Epstein Secrets

John Marshall's phrase) in foreign affairs. The Constitution gives him sole authority to "receive Ambassadors and other public ministers" and since George Washington's presidency this authority has been understood to include the right to grant or withhold U.S. recognition of a foreign state's existence

nally committed to the executive. That is no place for the courts. Messrs. Rivkin and Casey served in the Justice Department during the Reagan and George H.W. Bush administrations. EFTA00586783 13 The Washington Post Ryan Crocker's `strategic patience' in Afghanistan Jackson Diehl September 12 -- Ryan Cr

bal barbecuing by congressional committees on national television; and endless, painstaking parleys with prickly, unpredictable characters such as Nouri al-Maliki and Hamid Karzai. He's 62; he tried to retire once, after Iraq, but was coaxed back into service by Obama and Petraeus after U.S. relations with Ka

ate the nation's strategic path. The memorable strategists include George Marshall for President Truman, Henry Kissinger for Nixon, James Baker for George H.W. Bush. But for almost two decades now, policymaking power has been concentrated increasingly in the White House-under George W. Bush and Vice President C

ruption and their own dwindling perks. Only in Iraq, untouched by the Arab Spring, does the strongman of yesteryear in the person of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki seem to live on, though in a much more constrained form. So what are the consequences of an Arab world bereft of powerful authoritarians? Four sta

ent or the clear protégé of the incumbent president. The examples will clarify. Since 1900, the three were William Howard Taft, Herbert Hoover and George H.W. Bush. Six others tried and lost: James Cox, Adlai Stevenson, Richard Nixon, Hubert Humphrey, Al Gore and John McCain. Interestingly, even the three succ

ir less experienced allies, who are now decamping for home. Since late December, Shia militiamen have returned to Iraq to defend the government of Nouri al-Maliki against the ISIS-led insurgency in the country's west. Given the lightening-speed advance of ISIS this month, threats to destroy Shia holy sites, a

egion, the Saudi leadership's expectations [3] from the US until recently may have been predicated on another Iraq war — when the administration of George H.W. Bush demonstrating its commitment to Saudi Arabia's security in 1990 deployed 500,000 US troops to the kingdom to expel Saddam Hussein's forces from nei

er or later, honest liberals will have to admit that Obama's Iraq policy has been a disaster. Since the president took office, Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki has grown ever more tyrannical and ever more sectarian, driving his country's Sunnis toward revolt. Since Obama took office, Iraq watchers—includin