Epstein Secrets

Revolutions expose the frailties of Arab armies Dr. Amal Al-Hazzani Article 3. Wall Street Journal How to Talk Down Tehran's Nuclear Ambitions Richard Haass and Michael Levi Article 4. Project Syndicate Sarkozy at Dusk Dominique Moisi Article 5. NYT Peaceful Protest Can Free Palestine Mustafa Barg

the Golan Heights, which could have tipped the balance of power with Israel. Rather, it only appealed to them for immediate assistance to keep the Bashar al-Assad regime in power. In Libya, the situation is almost farcical. In the year 2000, Muammar Gaddafi wanted to declare a war on Israel, yet he had no qu

em for immediate assistance to keep the Bashar al-Assad regime in power. In Libya, the situation is alm

alysts have reminded us of their views, calling Libya a quagmire. This week one of the leading proponents of that position, my friend and colleague Richard Haass, shifted gears — but only to remind us just how hard the road ahead in Libya is likely to be. I do not know anyone, regardless of the side they took

Those forces have now pushed both the west and Arab governments into taking a much harder line than simply geostrategic logic would dictate against Bashar al-Assad's brutality in Syria, and even (albeit timidly) against torture and killings by the Bahraini government. Social movements are also beginning to resha

ostrategic logic would dictate against Bashar al-Assad's brutality in Syria, and even (albeit timidly)

alysts have reminded us of their views, calling Libya a quagmire. This week one of the leading proponents of that position, my friend and colleague Richard Haass, shifted gears — but only to remind us just how hard the road ahead in Libya is likely to be. I do not know anyone, regardless of the side they took

Those forces have now pushed both the west and Arab governments into taking a much harder line than simply geostrategic logic would dictate against Bashar al-Assad's brutality in Syria, and even (albeit timidly) against torture and killings by the Bahraini government. Social movements are also beginning to resha

ostrategic logic would dictate against Bashar al-Assad's brutality in Syria, and even (albeit timidly)

Revolutions expose the frailties of Arab armies Dr. Amal Al-Hazzani Article 3. Wall Street Journal How to Talk Down Tehran's Nuclear Ambitions Richard Haass and Michael Levi Article 4. Project Syndicate Sarkozy at Dusk Dominique Moisi Article 5. NYT EFTA_R1_02209204 EFTA02723318 Peaceful Protest

the Golan Heights, which could have tipped the balance of power with Israel. Rather, it only appealed to them for immediate assistance to keep the Bashar al-Assad regime in power. In Libya, the situation is almost farcical. In the year 2000, Muammar Gaddafi wanted to declare a war on Israel, yet he had no q

em for immediate assistance to keep the Bashar al-Assad regime in power. In Libya, the situation is alm

ney's possibles include Robert Zoellick, the outgoing president of the World Bank; Stephen Hadley, national security adviser to George W. Bush; and Richard Haass, president of the Council on Foreign Relations (an organization familiar to this author). All held senior jobs in recent Republican administrations

ian behavior, and faux reforms. Then there were the adversarial authoritarians. Here, a smaller group photo featured Iraq's Saddam Hussein, Syria's Assads (father and son), and Libya's Muammar al-Qaddafi. America sought to check and constrain their power, even removing one through invasion. But at tim

e of the facts on the ground suggest so. With more than 350 killed so far, November has been the bloodiest month since the uprising against President Bashar al-Assad began last spring. Defections from the army, which started as a trickle, now look like a torrent. In October, the number was around 800. The best tot

A attacked the headquarters of the Air Force Intelligence Agency at Harasta near the capital Damascus. Since Hafez al-Assad, an air-force officer and Bashar's father, seized power in a coup in 1970, the AIA has been the nerve center of the regime's security system. Also this week, reports surfaced of atta

cent of the population. Thus, Syria's is a nationwide revolution against a minority regime. Almost all Syrians agree that the situation is untenable. Assad's policy of rule by massacre has few supporters outside his clan. Judging by the revolution's most popular slogan — "Assad Get Out!" — a majority may

all over the world. America has a much-needed opportunity to refocus on itself - to recover its inner strength without withdrawing from the world. As Richard Haass, the president of the Council on Foreign Relations, puts it, America must enter a period of "restoration" of its fundamentals. American foreign polic

analysts have reminded us of their views, calling Libya a quagmire. This week one of the leading proponents of that position, my friend and colleague Richard Haass, shifted gears — but only to remind us just how hard the road ahead in Libya 1s likely to be. I do not know anyone, regardless of the side they took

. Those forces have now pushed both the west and Arab governments into taking a much harder line than simply geostrategic logic would dictate against Bashar al-Assad’s brutality in Syria, and even (albeit timidly) against torture and killings by the Bahraini government. Social movements are also beginning to reshape