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s to a strategic break with the United States. EFTA00678379 Nawaf Obaid is a fellow at the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs at Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government and a senior fellow at the King Faisal Center for Research and Islamic Studies. Anicic 3. Foreign Policy Can Obama d
about Obama's flip-flopping on Syria —particularly the President's failure to rapidly arm Syrian rebels and conduct air strikes in retaliation for Assad's use of chemical weapons. Prince Bandar also worried about America entering a slippery slope in negotiations with Iran. Shiite Iran is enemy No. 1
Intelligence Chief and former Ambassador to the U.S., added his complaints on Tuesday. He said, "the current charade of international control over Bashar's chemical arsenal would be funny if it were not so blatantly perfidious." Perhaps the silence towards Prince Bandar's leaks reflects the mood of
al issues — the Syrian and Iranian crises. In recent months, Turkey's government has adopted an increasingly tougher stance toward Syrian President Bashar al-Assad's regime, convinced that it can only fall. The agreement recently reached by the United States and Russia is, from this standpoint, frustrating new
er for Middle East Studies at Brandeis University and a senior fellow at the Belfer Center for Science and International EFTA00712751 Affairs (of Harvard University's John F Kennedy School of Goverment). He was head of the Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies at Tel Aviv University. Artick 2. Al-Hayat Egypt Infi
apital — for the departure of President Bashar al-Assad. In his speech before the non-alignment summit,
cies will push Cairo into EFTA00712755 the camp of the GCC states and Turkey in the context of this Cold War, whose main headline today surrounds Bashar al-Assad's departure or stay. On the other hand, it will also not be easy for Cairo to infiltrate what was achieved by Ankara throughout a decade of its absen
n course in the tradition of Athens and Sparta, or Imperial Germany and Edwardian Britain? Some observers, such as Graham Allison and Joseph Nye of Harvard University, and recently strategist Zbigniew Brzezinski, sense that the problem is all Greek. They turn to the Athenian general and historian Thucydides, and
nterviews with Syrians I met in Jordan or who talked with me from inside Syria by phone. My Syrian contacts described a bitter stalemate: President Bashar al-Assad holds on to power, but he has lost control of major parts of the country. The rebels fight bravely, but they lack the organization and heavy weapon
al-Qaeda extremists fester in the shadows. The opposition remains so fragmented that some rebels frankly admit they aren't ready to govern, even if Assad should fall. EFTA00718098 "We still need to find a leader," conceded one rebel commander. "We are headless inside the country." Rebel fighters s
(born August 27, 1931 Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania) is an American historian, novelist, and teacher, a former President of Swarthmore College. In 2003, Harvard University Press published his latest book, Indonesian Destinies. Dr. Friend's first book, Between Two Empires: The Ordeal of the Philippines, 1929-1946 (Yale Univ
ces the old idea of dynasty. The regime of the Al-Assads does not believe in freedom of information. An A
ent Hafez Al-Assad's brother, Rifat, killed 10,000 (some say 20,000). As a showdown intensifies a generation later, it is another pair of brothers, Bashar and Maher, poised to do the same, against demonstrators lightly armed or weaponless but willing to look EFTA_R1_02032813 EFTA02691196 35 death
duress with other forms of pressure, if it hopes to see a shift in Tehran's behavior. Meghan L. O'Sullivan is an international affairs professor at Harvard University's Kennedy School, a former deputy national security advisor and a fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations. She is the author of "Shrewd Sanctions.
n's enormous economic potential with corruption, mismanagement, and needless diplomatic spats, and sends money and weapons to Hezbollah, Hamas, and Bashar al-Assad's goons killing the Syrian opposition? Or the Iran of a young, dynamic populace hungry for democracy, dignity, and jobs, a population that, as Nicho
ives. Remember that the dynastic regime of the al Assads in Syria was built on an east bloc model during
ecisions about foreign policy. Graham Allison is director and professor of government at the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs at Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government. Artick 3. NYT Pinched and Griping in Iran Nicholas D. Kristof June 16, 2012 -- Tehran -- Before beginning my roa
ves and diplomats have stepped up their contacts with Syrian rebels in part to help organize their burgeoning military operations against President Bashar al-Assad's forces, according to senior U.S. officials." This would certainly be promising news—except it is the third time in the last month administration
uld have little trouble finding suitable recipients. It hasn't because the White House isn't eager to act. The question is, will moral revulsion at Assad's crimes finally force it off the sidelines? It's understandable why a conflict that by some estimates has already cost the lives of more than 14,
r of History and International Relations at Boston University. He is the editor of The Short American Century: A Postmortem, published in March by Harvard University Press. EFTA_R1_02208923 EFTA02723142
wish to exclude actual or potentially unfriendly powers such as Iran, Russia and China from the region. The mullahs hope to delay the fall of the Assad regime so that they have more time to confirm their foothold in southern Iraq, their second hope. Emboldened by the victory of their Syrian brethr
to Hizbollah (Damascus's strong ally), said the rift between Qatar and the Syrian regime occurred when Doha attempted to convince Syrian President Bashar Al Assad to form an interim ruling council including Muslim Brotherhood representation. The fourth factor helpful in understanding the Qatar- Brotherhood al
nsider whether a transgression was committed (did Assad use chemical weapons?), rather than focus- ing en
not always true for continuous variables. Consider the longstanding norm against the use of chemical weapons. This norm recently made headlines when Bashar al-Assad was alleged to have used chemical weapons to kill about a thousand Syrian civilians, outraging world leaders who had HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015514 --- PAG
Page: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015515 →We say that the norm against chemical weapons is a categorical norm because those who abide by it consider whether a transgression was committed (did Assad use chemical weapons?), rather than focus- ing entirely on how much harm was done (how many civilians did Assad kill?). Other norms are similarly cat
Page: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015515 →ings of the National Academy of Sciences, 112(6), 1727-1732. Hoffman, M., Yoeli, E., & Dalkiran, A. (2015). Social applications of common knowledge. Harvard University Working Paper. Kahneman, D., Knetsch, J. L., & Thaler, R. H. (1990). Experimental tests of the endowment effect and the Coase theorem. Jou
Page: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015527 →llion squatters, a new urban world. New York: Routledge. Nowak, M. A. (2006). Evolutionary dynamics: Exploring the equations of life. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Panchanathan, K., & Boyd, R. (2004). Indirect reciprocity can stabilize cooperation without the second-order free rider problem. Nature, 432(7016),
Page: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015527 →Entities connected to both Harvard University and Bashar al-Assad

Jeffrey Epstein
PERSON
Barack Obama
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George W. Bush
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United States
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Bill Clinton
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Lebanon
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Marc Rich
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Benjamin Netanyahu
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Tehran
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Damascus
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Middle East
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Hosni Mubarak
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Terje Rod-Larsen
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Prince Andrew
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Tunisia
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Saddam Hussein
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Hillary Clinton
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Cairo
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Yemen
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Donald Trump
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