Epstein Secrets

ve to confront the ultimate issue. But it was not the same Court that had been sitting when the strategy was originally devised; there were four new Nixon appointees, and it was clear that at least some of them believed the death penalty to be constitutional. The umpires — if not the rules — had been ch

the judge need not view the film: no matter what its content, I said, it would be unconstitutional for him to enjoin the showing of any film. If the D.A. thought the film was obscene, he could wait until it was exhibited and then arrest those responsible for its being shown. Judge Alberti insisted, how

efore the scheduled performance, Carl Stork and Nathan J. Hagen—the co- presidents of the Quincy House Film Society—received telephone calls from the D.A.’s office directing them to be in Judge Charles R. Alberti’s courtroom at two o’clock for a hearing. Stork and Hagen tried to call me in my office. Bu

ed know an individual inside the San Clemente hideaway. The next step was to hire a professional graphologist. who determined the authenticity of Mr. Nixon’ s handwritten notes on the typed transcript. Finally, our attorneys assured us that there was no violation of copyright laws involved, because it wa

o cities to appear before grand juries investigating criminal charges against abortionists. On both occasions | refused to testify, and each time the D.A. tried to frighten me into cooperating with the threat of arrest. In Liberty, New York, my name had been extorted from a patient by threatening Aer w

ur legal team not been successful in stopping the Nixon Admuinistration’s efforts to deport Lennon on tru

he charges. I thought that this was a perfect teaching vehicle and I invited the alleged victim’s lawyer to join in the class in which I assigned the D.A.’s memorandum seeking dismissal. It was a spirited class, after which several students told me they had changed their minds—both ways. One student des