Epstein Secrets

nowledge this was a jo=e, which House GOP leadership say it was, it shows that Republicans were joking about Trump colluding with Russia even before WikiLeaks. That's a story line =ven Democrats didn't really pick up until much later. It's not difficult to see Democrats using this to argue that Republicans

=ere's a sampling: "There wa= no communication between the campaign and any foreign entity during the campaign." =E244, Trump campaign spokeswoman Hope Hicks in November "The campaign had no cont=ct with Russian officials." — Hicks, also in November<=span> "This i= a nonstory because, to the best of our

intelligence, it was rumored, consisted of spreadsheets kept by Susan Rice that listed the Trump team’s Russian contacts; borrowing a technique from WikiLeaks, the documents were secreted on a dozen servers in different places. Before this broad distribution, when the information was held tightly, it would

d. It was a turning point. Until now, Trump’s inner circle had been mostly game to defend him. But after the wiretap tweets, everybody, save perhaps Hope Hicks, moved into a state of queasy sheepishness, if not constant incredulity. Sean Spicer, for one, kept repeating his daily, if not hourly, mantra: “You

Trump campaign with the Russians to obtain and distribute damaging information about Hillary Clinton—and, indeed, within days of the Don Jr. meeting, WikiLeaks announced that it had obtained Clinton emails. Less than a month later, it started to release them. ¢ The wide-eyed Trump campaign, largely still pl

gton, Sean Spicer and everybody else from the communications office was relegated to the back of the plane and excluded from the panicky discussions. Hope Hicks became the senior communications strategist, with the president, as always, her singular client. In the days following, that highest political state