ing is, that's not what justice is. Justice doesn't oppose symbols, but human beings. Unless we succumb once more to what Condorcet-one among many of Robespierre's victims- called the "sympathetic zeal of the supposed friends of mankind," and what I would call the "lynching, in sympathy with minorities, by the

g is, that's not what justice is. Justice doesn't oppose symbols, but human beings. Unless we succumb once more to what Condorcet—one among many of Robespierre's victims—called the "sympathetic zeal of the supposed friends of mankind," and what I would call the "lynching, in sympathy with minorities, by th

g is, that's not what justice is. Justice doesn't oppose symbols, but human beings. Unless we succumb once more to what Condorcet—one among many of Robespierre's victims—called the "sympathetic zeal of the supposed friends of mankind," and what I would call the "lynching, in sympathy with minorities, by th

ents. We studied the French Revolution. He brought it to life with insights into Montesquieu, Rousseau and John Locke, Louis XVI and Mary Antoinette, Robespierre and Napoleon. He traced the dynamics that led to the revolution, and the way its ideals descended into the bloodshed and terror that followed. He pre

ents. We studied the French Revolution. He brought it to life with insights into Montesquieu, Rousseau and John Locke, Louis XVI and Mary Antoinette, Robespierre and Napoleon. He traced the dynamics that led to the revolution, and the way its ideals descended into the bloodshed and terror that followed. He pre