Epstein Secrets

nt Jimmy Carter and in every administration since (except George W. Bush's), Dennis Ross has played a bigger role in setting American policy toward the Middle East than perhaps any other official who didn't occupy the Oval Office. Most recently, Ross was special assistant to President Obama and the National Se

or presiding over the annual Clinton Global Initiative meeting -- arguably a bi er draw for global leaders each September than the opening of the . General Assembly across town. Although there was some love lost between Clinton and Obama during the tense 2008 primary, Secretary Clinton's husband has been an act

hn Kerry's effort to jump-start the Arab-Israel peace process was a laudable initiative. But, if the Arab Spring has taught us anything, it is that the Middle East's real fault lines have little to do with Israel and much to do with the Arab world's deepening secularist-Islamist divide and growing sectarian stru

"voice" on a docile council — when it faces the urgent imperative of ending the massacres in Syria. The tipping point came the week before the •. General Assembly meeting last month, when a draft resolution on dismantling Syria's stockpile of chemical weapons circulated among the permanent members of the Sec

arily and politically, and there are many sensitive and complex issues we have yet to deal with. One of these issues is our relationship with other Middle Eastern states. The president hasn't mentioned the word "Israel" in any of his speeches, EFTA00701617 yet official contacts with Israel — regarding both

in this period. He gave an important speech at the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) summit, and participated in the annual session of the United Nations General Assembly, leaving the prime minister and his cabinet to implement his domestic electoral program. It is not logical or fair to assess general policies — whe

history. The continued retreat of the United States from world affairs, its refusal to continue its role as the world's super power, especially in the Middle East, is having all sorts of side effects. The Russian invasion of Crimea is one of them, the Egyptian government's antagonism is another, and more are

ama was warning of the dangers of seeing the world in terms of Great Power conflict. "We're no longer in a Cold War," the president said at the •. General Assembly in September. "There's no Great Game to be won." Well, to paraphrase Leon Trotsky, you might not be interested in the Cold War, but the Cold War i

ective in trying to bring to an end the political upheaval and violence in neighbouring Syria. At the same time, despite its lessening influence in the Middle East, the US and its Nato and EU partners continue to play an active role in trying to provide support to its allies and bring some stability to the Mid

senal to dealing with the issues of confiscated lands, demolished homes and erased towns and villages. The first step, however, is to go to the UN General Assembly. Professor Musa teaches global politics at the Ecole des Hautes Etudes Internationales in Paris, and Dr Sarrif is a researcher in Middle East stud

ective in trying to bring to an end the political upheaval and violence in neighbouring Syria. At the same time, despite its lessening influence in the Middle East, the US and its Nato and EU partners continue to play an active role in trying to provide support to its allies and bring some stability to the Mid

senal to dealing with the issues of confiscated lands, demolished homes and erased towns and villages. The first step, however, is to go to the UN General Assembly. Professor Musa teaches global politics at the Ecole des Hautes Etudes Internationales in Paris, and Dr Sarrif is a researcher in Middle East stud

sia), held in Washington, was expected to call for talks to restart, as a matter of urgency. Nobody seems minded to point out an obvious fact. With the Middle East in turmoil, starting a new round of Israeli-Palestinian talks is completely pointless. Speaking last week Catherine Ashton, the EU's foreign policy

aving the temerity to pursue their UN bid in September. Yet Israeli and Congressional hostility to the Palestinian charge at the UN is overdone. A General Assembly resolution without Security Council backing would change very little, legally or politically. Still, the Americans and the Europeans do not relish

sia), held in Washington, was expected to call for talks to restart, as a matter of urgency. Nobody seems minded to point out an obvious fact. With the Middle East in turmoil, starting a new round of Israeli-Palestinian talks is completely pointless. Speaking last week Catherine Ashton, the EU's foreign policy

aving the temerity to pursue their UN bid in September. Yet Israeli and Congressional hostility to the Palestinian charge at the UN is overdone. A General Assembly resolution without Security Council backing would change very little, legally or politically. Still, the Americans and the Europeans do not relish

6101 EFTA02693041 30 organizations. At present, there are 10.5 million Palestinians, including around 5 millions refugees, scattered in several Middle Eastern countries and other Diaspora states. As for Palestinian Statehood: The UN General Assembly by great majority has recognized the right of the Pales

UN membership After the Oslo accords in 1993 and the failure of peace negotiations which lasted for 18 years, the PLO intends to bring to the UN General Assembly once again, through the UN Resolution number 377 of 1950, the issue of recognition of the State of Palestine on the basis of the June, 1967 borders

6168 EFTA02693098 30 organizations. At present, there are 10.5 million Palestinians, including around 5 millions refugees, scattered in several Middle Eastern countries and other Diaspora states. As for Palestinian Statehood: The UN General Assembly by great majority has recognized the right of the Pales

UN membership After the Oslo accords in 1993 and the failure of peace negotiations which lasted for 18 years, the PLO intends to bring to the UN General Assembly once again, through the UN Resolution number 377 of 1950, the issue of recognition of the State of Palestine on the basis of the June, 1967 borders