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lamped down on the Muslim Brotherhood it did so selectively because it still needed them to use as a bogeyman at home and abroad. Prior to Mubarak, Sadat used the Muslim Brotherhood to crush the Egyptian left and bury all the gains in social justice that had come with Abdel-Nasser. It is useful to r
ences. Take for example, a recent op-ed by Washington Post columnist David Ignatius in which he outlines growing concern from Saudi EFTA00662865 Arabia. The Saudi king "is convinced the US is unreliable" (this is a familiar synonym for retreat), reported Ignatius, who also notes this view is shared
r 2011. It is a great deceit to deny an entire nation's right to exist. Let me narrate a strange story of American deceit. When Henry Kissinger met Sadat and introduced his six-point plan as a `Kissinger plan,' Sadat told him: "Never forget, Dr. Kissinger, I am making this agreement with the United S
ling of the U.S.-fostered Iraqi political system pose no particular threat to America. That still leaves U.S. allies in the region — Israel, Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Turkey — marooned in a scary new world where their vital interests are no longer under U.S. protection. Israel and Saudi Arabia worry t
gh. In 1977 Egyptian President Anwar Sadat visited Jerusalem in a gesture of peace. Seeing positive developments, US President Jimmy Carter invited Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin to Camp David in 1978 to negotiate peace. One agreement, A Framework for Peace in the Middle East, addre
th an important ally. Statesmen, of course, must make painful choices that look ugly from the outside. The United States does not criticize Saudi Arabia's appallingly repressive regime for the same reason it used to pull its punches on Mubarak's Egypt: It wouldn't help, and there are other fish to f
rabs. Secular and religious. Rich and poor. Center and periphery. Old and new. This is dangerous. The late Tunisian President Bourguiba (and later on Sadat in his debates with Assad just before the peace treaty with Israel) made the argument that there's no need to defeat Israel by force. Give them the o
Page: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028908 →in recent years have created a strong common interest for Israel and the moderate Arab countries - Saudi HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028911 --- PAGE BREAK --- Arabia and the Gulf States, Jordan, Egypt and perhaps even Turkey (which is not Arab). The focal interest is the struggle against radical Islamic terrorism
Page: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028912 →rabs. Secular and religious. Rich and poor. Center and periphery. Old and new. This is dangerous. The late Tunisian President Bourguiba (and later on Sadat in his debates with Assad just before the peace treaty with Israel) made the argument that there's no need to defeat Israel by force. Give them the o
Page: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029383 →ed and revenge. • What do I mean? The events in recent years have created a strong common interest for Israel and the moderate Arab countries - Saudi Arabia and the Gulf States, Jordan, Egypt and perhaps even Turkey (which is not Arab). The focal interest is the struggle against radical Islamic terrorism
Page: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029388 →Entities connected to both Sadat and Arabia

Barack Obama
PERSON
United States
LOCATION
Bashar al-Assad
PERSON
Lebanon
LOCATION
Benjamin Netanyahu
PERSON
George W. Bush
PERSON
Cairo
LOCATION
Bill Clinton
PERSON
Hosni Mubarak
PERSON
Yemen
LOCATION
Tehran
LOCATION
Middle East
LOCATION
Jeffrey Epstein
PERSON
Marc Rich
PERSON
Damascus
LOCATION
Bahrain
LOCATION
John Kerry
PERSON
Jerusalem
LOCATION
Tunisia
LOCATION
Terje Rod-Larsen
PERSON