Epstein Secrets

ed for any breakdown in talks. Case in point, earlier this month Kerry traveled to the region in order to get sign off from Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Abbas on a framework agreement that would serve as the template for future negotiation. While the framework represents a rough set of principle

significant breakthrough in the process as we move toward a final status agreement/peace treaty." This will likely leave a clear set of options for Bibi: sign the framework agreement and set Israel on the path to peace or don't and risk a break with the United States or worse (more on this in a seco

course, much will depend on how decisively the framework agreement lays out the clear outlines of a final deal — and the extent to which it forces Netanyahu to adopt positions that he and his right-wing supporters have long rejected. But Netanyahu has bobbed and weaved his way during these negotiations

them full political rights, be able to label itself the Middle East's only true democracy. Relations with the United States (particularly with the Obama Administration) will inevitably suffer. How much? No one can say for sure, but that uncertainly alone should concern Israelis. The harsh criticism last week of Ke

irst signaled his outreach to Iran: "We seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect." EFTA00660250 Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu played his expected role in this choreography, criticizing the negotiators for agreeing to another round of talks on May 23 in Baghdad without gett

o another round of talks on May 23 in Baghdad without getting concessions in return. "My initial impression is that Iran has been given a freebie," Netanyahu said. "It has got five weeks to continue enrichment without any limitation, any inhibition." A perfect rebuff— just scornful enough to keep the Ira

ost importantly a benign spirit and path. A recent visit by Brotherhood representatives -- part of a so-called "charm offensive" -- reportedly left Obama Administration officials cautiously optimistic about the Brotherhood undergoing such a benign evolution. According to Ignatius, President Obama has placed a "cosm

n 10,000 civilians, but a prime strategic interest of Israel and the United States. So why are both the Obama administration and the government of Benjamin Netanyahu unethusiastic — to say the least — about even indirect military intervention to topple Assad? In part it's because of worry about what would follow

tlingly generous offer a falling Olmert made in late 2008, nothing Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu can offer will elicit a yes. This would leave Netanyahu facing two alternatives: continue economic and institutional development in the West Bank without talks, or undertake a Sharon/Olmert/Mofaz move in

s. The outcomes of Clinton's battles, including the government shutdown of 1995, weren't sorted out until after the 1996 Presidential election. An Obama Administration official told me, "The first year of Clinton's second term was the resolution of the climactic moments of his third year. I suspect a similar oppo

the irrelevance of the attack on the strategic issues confronting Israel. Political inertia can be seen among Israeli policymakers. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu tried to form a coalition with the centrist Kadima Party, but that fell apart over the parochial Israeli issue of whether Orthodox Jews should be d

nyahu, contemplating a possible fall strike on Iran? Kahl I think the threat should be taken very seriously. The standard counter argument is that Netanyahu and Barak are bluffing with the goal of pushing the international community to act — meaning pressuring us and the Europeans to increase sanctions

e scenes and in indirect maneuvers rather than in thrilling street protests or the realm of public debate," notes Lynch, who was an adviser to the Obama Administration during the Egyptian uprising. "Presumably Morsy and his team have been carefully preparing the ground for this weekend's moves during the weeks whe