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to be -- owned by the left. From Israeli premiers Menachem Begin to Yitzhak Rabin (breaker of bones during the first Intifada) to Ariel Sharon and Benjamin Netanyahu, the story of the Arab-Israeli negotiations is one of tough guys whose calculations were reshaped by necessity and self-interest, and who could de
els for Gaza's banks and support for Gaza's infrastructure. Jaabari had street cred and delivered for four years -- Abbas has little and couldn't. Netanyahu's Comfort Zone Bibi is who he is. Right now, he's a legitimate Israeli leader who may well be the only political figure capable of leading the cou
support for Gaza's infrastructure. Jaabari had street cred and delivered for four years -- Abbas has little and couldn't. Netanyahu's Comfort Zone Bibi is who he is. Right now, he's a legitimate Israeli leader who may well be the only political figure capable of leading the country. Whether he can
s. Nathan J. Brown is professor of political science and international affairs at George Washington Univeristy and nonresident senior associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. EFTA_R1_00464344 EFTA01977728 Article 2. Foreign Policy How Hamas Won the War Aaron David Miller November 19, 2012
y, the White House had largely left the peace process to Mr. Kerry. But last month, Mr. Obama met separately at the White House with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the Palestinian Authority president, Mahmoud Abbas, to urge both to sign on to a framework that would guide negotiations toward a final agreeme
o dispel a perception on the part of Mr. Abbas that Israel's release of 104 Palestinian prisoners would include Palestinian citizens of Israel. Mr. Netanyahu never agreed to that, saying it would require a separate cabinet decision because it raised sensitive questions of sovereignty. "The seeds of this
iliation and courageous political and economic decisions that would allow Egypt to move beyond such dependence. Michele Dunne, Senior Associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. EFTA00705814
der to prevent rocket attacks by other factions in the Strip, but that may not be enough to cork the bottled-up frustration. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu warned Hamas today that Israel would respond forcefully if the spate of rocket attacks did not cease. "Will [the situation] blow up?" asks Harel. "
interim deal struck between Iran, the United States and other powers in Geneva a couple of months ago, which went into effect this week. But while Netanyahu argues that the world must continue to impose ever stronger sanctions on Tehran until it gives up any and all potential for weapons development, Ro
ear-armed Iran. Should this be a hard choice? Astonishingly, too many members of Congress seem to think so. Jessica Tuchman Mathews is president of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. EFTA00651277
there is no evidence that Iran has produced a nuclear weapon, its program has steadily advanced, prompting both President Obama and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel to warn of possible military action. At a time when the Middle East and South Asia are in turmoil, there are also many regional issues t
both President Obama and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel to warn of possible military action. A
f aid gets cut off and Egypt says, `We're going to war with Israel,' " said Nathan Brown, a Middle East scholar at George Washington University and the Carnegie Endowment. "Egypt's attitude toward Islamic terrorism — right now, they're on the same page as Fox News." Sure, if aid is suspended gulf states will send mo
ore, notably in 1997 when EFTA_R1_02209755 EFTA02723627 they almost killed Hamas leader Khaled Meshaal in Amman, on the orders of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. There is nothing that would have prevented them from doing it yet again to Arafat, whom they regarded as a prime terrorist and the single source
under lock and key until 2018, exactly 70-years after the loss of Palestine. Records of Arafat's death, therefore, will not be opened until 2074. Netanyahu's move came only after the Shin Bet applied pressure to prevent the opening of state archives. According to State Archivist Yehoshua Freundlich, th
between the SCAF and the Muslim Brotherhood that for the foreseeable future they have to share power," says Marina Ottaway, a senior associate at the Carnegie Endowment for EFTA_R1_02209747 EFTA02723619 International Peace. "They have to rule together because there is no other way to do it. They cannot start add
Bank settlements and laying siege to Gaza. Nevertheless, the Israel public had turned against the peace process, while the goal of Prime Minister Benyamin Netanyahu was to rule out the possibility of a two- state solution. This prompted Ambassador Andrey Baklanov to argue for the need to re-launch a multilateral
ocess, while the goal of Prime Minister Benyamin Netanyahu was to rule out the possibility of a two- state s
of the international community, along with the United States." If the Lieberman-Graham-Casey resolution guides US policy, says George Perkovich of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, that would "preclude" fulfillment of the UN resolutions and isolate the US from the international coalition that backed t
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