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flict or the Iranian nuclear issue in a single accord. Finally, the president is dealing with a tough and suspicious ally in Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, and a tough and suspicious adversary in Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. There will be little sentimentality, benefit of the doubt, or magnan
ut these two negotiating challenges is that they're tied together, sequenced in the mind of the one regional player with a primary stake in both -- Netanyahu. Netanyahu's laws of political gravity don't allow him to make historic decisions on the Palestinian issue without a stronger sense for where Iran
ear issue, meanwhile, wouldn't guarantee an Israeli-Palestinian accord. But it would at least increase Obama's capacity to press for one and reduce Bibi's capacity to resist. (3) Time is not on Obama's side. Neither negotiation can drag on interminably. On the Israeli-Palestinian issue, even though
ons on almost every issue -- getting out of old wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, avoiding new ones (Syria), avoiding interventions in lands visited by the Arab Spring, and resetting his relationship with Israel -- reflect a general attitude of risk aversion in the region. And yet, the president himself doesn't s
ks at a standstill, the Obama administration now finds itself on the sidelines, and Europe is emerging as the key diplomatic actor. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel and the Palestinian president, Mahmoud Abbas, have crisscrossed the Continent in recent weeks, trying to woo leaders who are weighing whe
e the 1967 Arab-Israeli war, adjusted to account for Jewish settlements in the West Bank, as the basis for negotiating a new Palestinian state. Mr. Netanyahu initially rejected that formula, saying it would render Israel indefensible. But an Israeli official said that in recent weeks, Mr. Netanyahu had
Obama. More to the point: The relationship between America and Israel is about historic and strategic ties, not about whether Obama is offended by Bibi's rhetorical style. But why is he so offended? Is he as offended by President Chavez of Venezuela? Right-wing anti-Semitism in the country is now f
t Plotting a post-Assad road map for Syria David Ignatius July 21 -- As the Obama administration steps up its support for regime change in Syria, the Arab Spring is moving into what could be its hottest phase. The puzzle is how to help the Syrian opposition gain power without foreign military intervention —
ks at a standstill, the Obama administration now finds itself on the sidelines, and Europe is emerging as the key diplomatic actor. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel and the Palestinian president, Mahmoud Abbas, have crisscrossed the Continent in recent weeks, trying to woo leaders who are weighing whe
e the 1967 Arab-Israeli war, adjusted to account for Jewish settlements in the West Bank, as the basis for negotiating a new Palestinian state. Mr. Netanyahu initially rejected that formula, saying it would render Israel indefensible. But an Israeli official said that in recent weeks, Mr. Netanyahu had
Obama. More to the point: The relationship between America and Israel is about historic and strategic ties, not about whether Obama is offended by Bibi's rhetorical style. But why is he so offended? Is he as offended by President Chavez of Venezuela? Right-wing anti-Semitism in the country is now f
t Plotting a post-Assad road map for Syria David Ignatius July 21 -- As the Obama administration steps up its support for regime change in Syria, the Arab Spring is moving into what could be its hottest phase. The puzzle is how to help the Syrian opposition gain power without foreign military intervention —
as been able to gradually squeeze the Iranian economy. By insisting that "containment" is not an option, Obama has persuaded Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu that he need not launch an attack on Iran's nuclear facilities -- at least not any time soon. Obama has done everything right, and yet his Iran pol
ma has persuaded Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu that he need not launch an attack on Iran's nucl
graying populations on relatively low income levels." Arncle 6. NYT An Assassination in Tunisia Editorial February 8, 2013 -- Tunisia is where the Arab Spring began just over two years ago. Until now it has set an encouraging example of progress toward democracy and pluralism. Free elections brought to po
17 May, 2011 Article 1. NYT The Long Overdue Palestinian State Mahmoud Abbas Article 2 The Washington Post What would Netanyahu do for peace? David Makovsky Wall Street Journal Israel Will Never Have Peace Bret Stephens Article 3. Article 4. The Daily Beast Israel's Pal
e opportunity for a peaceful and just end to the conflict. Palestinian national unity is a key step in this regard. Contrary to what Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel asserts, and can be expected to repeat this week during his visit to Washington, the choice is not between Palestinian unity or peace wi
nflict could be resolved, other distempers of the Muslim world—from dictatorship to terrorism—would find their own EFTA00586640 9 resolution. If the Arab Spring has done nothing else, it has at least disposed of the latter proposition. From Tehran to Tunis to Tahrir Square, Muslims are rising against their
Entities connected to both Benjamin Netanyahu and the Arab Spring

Barack Obama
PERSON
George W. Bush
PERSON
United States
LOCATION
Bill Clinton
PERSON
Jerusalem
LOCATION
Bashar al-Assad
PERSON
Lebanon
LOCATION
Tehran
LOCATION
Marc Rich
PERSON
Ehud Barak
PERSON
Hillary Clinton
PERSON
Vladimir Putin
PERSON
Middle East
LOCATION
Cairo
LOCATION
Terje Rod-Larsen
PERSON
Damascus
LOCATION
George Mitchell
PERSON
Michael Cohen
PERSON
Hosni Mubarak
PERSON
Samantha Power
PERSON