Epstein Secrets

age is so diverse as to defy ethnic labels, may demonstrate similar potential and thus be accorded favorable consideration by the Committee. Justice Douglas was, in fact, describing his own background in Washington State. His autobiography was informing his constitutional ideology, as is often the case. H

e end, I would have been willing to go to Cairo as part of such a defense team, but I certainly was tempted. I was less tempted by the offer made by Gaddafi’s Lybian lawyer. The Gaddafi offer was firm, accompanied by a signed formal retainer letter and contract. I have the contract in front of me as I wri

Arab Spring” of 2011, I received calls from individuals representing both deposed President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt and then fugitive leader of Lybia, Muammar Gaddafi, both of whom were being accused of killing innocent civilians. A Norweigan human rights activist who was close to Mubarak asked me if I would be wi

ion facilities, along with loose conventional weapons such as MANPADS. James Phillips is Senior Research Fellow for Middle Eastern Affairs in the Douglas and Sarah Allison Center for Foreign Policy Studies, a division of the Kathryn and Shelby Cullom Davis Institute for International Studies, and Ja

rorists if the regime collapses. EFTA_R1_00230154 EFTA01842830 In some respects, the potential worst-case scenario is more like Libya, where the Muammar Gaddafi regime lost control of mustard gas supplies and huge stockpiles of modern weapons. While the mustard gas, stored in bulk containers, reportedly wa

Syrian armed forces, which have remained relatively intact, unlike in Libya. Moreover, the Assad regime has more foreign allies than the isolated Gaddafi regime. It can rely on Moscow to block U.N. efforts and Iran and Hezbollah to help it resist a foreign intervention. Such differences would make a

tion facilities, along with loose conventional weapons such as MANPADS. James Phillips is Senior Research Fellow for Middle Eastern Affairs in the Douglas and Sarah Allison Center for Foreign Policy Studies, a division of the Kathryn and Shelby Cullom Davis Institute for International Studies, and Jam

Syrian armed forces, which have remained relatively intact, unlike in Libya. Moreover, the Assad regime has more foreign allies than the isolated Gaddafi regime. It can rely on Moscow to block •. efforts and Iran and Hezbollah to help it resist a foreign intervention. Such differences would make any

ally could find their way to terrorists if the regime collapses. In some respects, the potential worst-case scenario is more like Libya, where the Muammar Gaddafi regime lost control of mustard gas supplies and huge stockpiles of modern weapons. While the mustard gas, stored in bulk containers, reportedly was

ack on those days and see not just the obvious -- Douglas Feith, Donald Rumsfeld, Dick Cheney, Condoleezza

ivities dropped to to%, according to the study abstract. The picture in Libya is significantly different, according to the data. After the death of Gaddafi, in October 2011 and until December of the same year, depending on the language of the tweets, the people were talking about different things. In E

rs How Fatah-Hamas Unity Threatens U.S. Funding Douglas N. Greenburg and Derek D. Smith TIME Why the Mu

s and, on present evidence, a bloody stalemate that further destabilizes the region. It's distasteful to contemplate dialogue with leaders such as Gaddafi and Assad who, to put it bluntly, have blood on their hands. But this approach is worth exploring if it can foster a transition to a democratic go