Epstein Secrets

are at loggerheads because of their fundamentally different positions on Syria. As developments in that country continue to unfold Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his overambitious foreign minister are discovering that Turkey cannot have it every way. Iran's displeasure with Turkey really began when Ankar

sure with Turkey really began when Ankara allowed the United States to deploy radar facilities on Turkish soil for NATO's "defense shield" project. Erdogan and Davutoglu still insist these facilities are not against Iran, but this is a claim no one, least of all Tehran, is buying. Matters between the

essfully implemented twice: by Begin himself in June 1981, when Israel's air force destroyed Iraq's nuclear reactor; and in September 2007, when PM Ehud Olmert sent Israeli warplanes to flatten a Syrian nuclear reactor. Olmert's decision was even bolder than Begin's: President George Bush had refused to or

air force destroyed Iraq's nuclear reactor; and in September 2007, when PM Ehud Olmert sent Israeli warplanes to flatten a Syrian nuclear reactor. Olmert's decision was even bolder than Begin's: President George Bush had refused to order an American air raid, but Israel went ahead anyway. And, unlike

Over the past three years, many of Turkey's senior military officers were tried and imprisoned on charges of planning coups against Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan's democratically elected government. The trials came after Erdogan successfully moved to reduce the military's role in political decision-making and

and imprisoned on charges of planning coups against Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan's democratically elected government. The trials came after Erdogan successfully moved to reduce the military's role in political decision-making and put it under the firm control of civilian rule. Together, these a

osed by Israeli interlocutors—principles he's reaffirmed in various interviews with Israeli media during the past twelve months. As both Abbas and Olmert told me in separate interviews for the New York Times Magazine in 2011, the outline would include a non-militarized Palestinian state in the Jordan

nducted direct negotiations with Israeli leaders: first with Labor's Justice Minister, Yossi Beilin, in 1995, and then with centrist Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, in 2008. Twice, Abbas endorsed principles of action on the core issues proposed by Israeli interlocutors—principles he's reaffirmed in various int

t rejected the "Turkish model" that Recep Tayyip Erdogan asked it to follow the day he visited Cairo follo

te to warn against the Shiite Crescent when Iran knocked on Sinai's doors from Gaza! With all this history, Egypt rejected the "Turkish model" that Recep Tayyip Erdogan asked it to follow the day he visited Cairo following President Mubarak's toppling, as it rejected Guide Ali Khamenei's statements in which he said

paper Ma'ariv that he regretted not having killed Arafat when Israeli forces invaded southern Lebanon in 1982. In 2003, then-Deputy Prime Minister Ehud Olmert said that murder was an option for getting rid of Arafat. But is that any proof? When asked about this, Israeli officials say: "It has nothing to d

is not hard for anyone to conclude that the AKP is openly displaying an ideological bias here. In the meantime no one has forgotten Prime Minister Erdogan's remark in connection with Sudan that "Muslims do not commit genocide." Put another way, there seems to be little difference in the way the U.S.

o treaty and violated no solemn agreement. They won't have signed a "no further claims" clause or a "no more war" commitment, as Barak, Clinton and Olmert had demanded as essential components of a two-state peace settlement. They will have received their mini-state, a launching pad for further assaul

and former US president Bill Clinton had offered Arafat in December 2000 (the Clinton "Parameters") and this is what former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert offered Abbas in 2008—and this is what both Palestinian leaders rejected. Palestinian strategy is rather simple (and not particularly clever, thou

xplosion there may ignite an explosion on this side of the border as well. Like a broken watch that shows correct time twice a day, Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan as well occasionally makes some correct analysis. Last week, while comparing the uprising in Libya against the Moammar Gadhafi regime and the growi

et against the Baathist regime of Bashar al-Assad, the prime minister correctly said Libya and Syria were two totally different issues for Turkey. Erdogan explained while Turkey was very much concerned with what's happening in Libya and have been undertaking every possible effort to contribute to a qu

open to commencing a negotiation as a means to escape international isolation, but that's all the more reason not to give it to him. Prime Minister Ehud Olmert's 2008 talks with Syria (via Turkey) allowed Syria to escape the partial isolation the United States had imposed on it in that decade, with zero ga

ow using this image of isolation against Israel's government. Mr. Panetta's criticism was promptly endorsed by Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, a harsh critic of Israel, who said Mr. Panetta was "correct in his assumptions." Indeed, almost every time the Obama administration has scolded Is

n Israel the threat is especially acute. And the concern comes not only from its most persistent critics. The former Prime Ministers Ehud Barak and Ehud Olmert have both warned of a descent into apartheid, xenophobia, and isolation. The political corrosion begins, of course, with the occupation of the Pal

y relationship. The consequences of this crisis for the stability of the eastern Mediterranean and for the Obama administration are quite severe. The Erdogan government is now saying explicitly something it had implied for the last two years—that Washington has to choose between two allies, Ankara and Jeru

f two countries whose relationship was once heralded as groundbreaking and strategic. The Justice and Development Party government of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan had begun to sour on Israel following Israel’s incursion into Gaza in late 2008. Erdogan was miffed that the then Israeli prime minister Ehud Olmert,

yyip Erdogan had begun to sour on Israel following Israel’s incursion into Gaza in late 2008. Erdogan was miffed that the then Israeli prime minister Ehud Olmert, who had visited him in Ankara HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025002 --- PAGE BREAK --- ? only four days before the impending hostilities in Gaza, kept him in d

e open to commencing a negotiation as a means to escape international isolation, but that's all the more reason not to give it to him. Prime Minister Ehud Olmert's 2008 talks with Syria (via Turkey) allowed Syria to escape the partial isolation the United States had imposed on it in that decade, with zero gain

n explosion there may ignite an explosion on this side of the border as well. Like a broken watch that shows correct time twice a day, Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan as well occasionally makes some correct analysis. Last week, while comparing the uprising in Libya against the Moammar Gadhafi regime and the growing

treet against the Baathist regime of Bashar al-Assad, the prime minister correctly said Libya and Syria were two totally different issues for Turkey. Erdogan explained while Turkey was very much concerned with what's happening in Libya and have been undertaking every possible effort to contribute to a quic