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oute to producing weapons-grade plutonium in the installation now being built at Arak. Not surprisingly, the Iranian negotiator, upon his return to Tehran, described the agreement as giving Iran its long-claimed right to enrich and, in effect, eliminating the American threat of using force as a last r
be a relaxed meeting with President Xi Jinping, whom Biden knows well. But instead Obama's deputy now has to consider some serious questions: Could the Far East actually stumble into a war? What is driving the parties involved in this island dispute, which has been smoldering for decades, and is now threate
here: withdrawal from Afghanistan, which followed the ignominious departure from Iraq; negotiations with the mullahs in Iran rather than bombs over Tehran; an aimless and hollow pivot to Asia that is failing to deter a rising China; a newly assertive Russia seizing territory without consequence; cuts
e only months after the threat of US military force against Damascus convinced the Assad regime to abandon its chemical weapons programme. In both the Far East and Europe, the Obama administration is pushing ambitious trade initiatives. On Russia, the US has been leading the way in trying to punish Putin f
f the revolution's father, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini — whose austere nature and anti-Americanism set the tenor for Iran's post-monarchic order — Tehran's political elite has been broadly divided into two schools. Reformists and pragmatists argued that ensuring the Islamic Republic's survival requi
t proceeded to say that these agencies expected massive protests in the Moscow area, industrial areas of the South Urals and Western Siberia and in the Far East, while ethnic tension among the Muslims of the North Caucasus and Volga-Ural areas was also not excluded. The proliferation of the Arab "virus" wou
cess to U.S. markets. The Iraq War was designed to "shock and awe" that nation's ruler and to convince other opponents of the U.S., in Damascus and Tehran, especially, that they could be next. Meanwhile, it was hoped that once a pro-Western, democratic Iraq stabilized, it would give the U.S. leverage
r a cloud, which could grow darker as China's relative military strength increases. Even if Chinese leaders try to reassure Moscow that its hold on the Far East is secure, both states surely know that the growth of the region's Chinese population amidst Russian decline may place the other in a bind, with n
would make its peace with the status quo, renewing its partnership with friendly autocrats even as it engaged the hostile regimes in Damascus and Tehran. The United States was to remain on the Kabul hook for a while longer, but the greater Middle East would be left to its Furies. When a revolt erup
tional political culture. But, of course, Japan is in the East. A good relationship between it and China would contribute immensely to stability in the Far East, and to a better US-China relationship. America can play an active role as EFTA_R1_00234098 EFTA01845152 conciliator between Japan and China jus
Entities connected to both Tehran and the Far East

Barack Obama
PERSON
United States
LOCATION
George W. Bush
PERSON
Bashar al-Assad
PERSON
Jeffrey Epstein
PERSON
Lebanon
LOCATION
Benjamin Netanyahu
PERSON
Bill Clinton
PERSON
Joe Biden
PERSON
Donald Trump
PERSON
Middle East
LOCATION
Marc Rich
PERSON
Vladimir Putin
PERSON
Department of Justice
ORGANIZATION
Damascus
LOCATION
Cairo
LOCATION
Yemen
LOCATION
Terje Rod-Larsen
PERSON
Jerusalem
LOCATION
Hosni Mubarak
PERSON