Epstein Secrets

is set for a deal with Iran David Ignatius EFTA00660249 April 18 -- The nuclear talks with Iran have just begun, but already the smart money in Tehran is betting on a deal. That piece of intelligence comes from the Tehran stock index; the day after the talks opened, it posted its largest daily ris

ange. "We all are on the same side here, trying to make the country safe." At the center of the debate was Obama's newly appointed CIA chief, Gen. David Petraeus. Petraeus sided with the White House, recognizing the need to strike a balance between maintaining a strong relationship with Pakistan and aggressi

en a significant actor in many NATO operations and continues to stand alongside the U.S. in Afghanistan. However, Ankara's burgeoning closeness to Tehran and the AKP's hostility toward Israel undermine Turkey's reliability as a regional partner for the U.S. and Europe. Afghanistan. Ankara was among a

o neutralize. It reinforces mounting criticism that Obama is "abandoning" Afghanistan, a false and nasty charge. One lion has yet to roar: General David Petraeus, commander of U.S. and NATO forces in Afghanistan and soon-to-be CIA director. Everyone knows his position likens to Gates'. But just maybe, Obama

me in Israel are getting it wrong with regard to Iran and what the Iranian leadership perceives as serious threats. Israel has to realise that the Tehran regime is more petrified by what is happening to its economy and among its own population than by the possibility of a military attack from Israel.

dministrations, Gates gets credit for stabilizing Iraq, though the key decisions that led to success--a surge of troops and the appointment of Gen. David Petraeus to oversee the strategy--predated his arrival. Petraeus says Gates knew that his real contribution was to buy time in Washington for the strategy t

can build "strategic trust" with China in the Middle East, the habit could take hold elsewhere. One might say that the road to Xanadu goes through Tehran and Jerusalem. If he cannot, then he faces a tough four years of trying to cope with a rising China amid flat or falling US defence budgets and th

ces and strategic conditions have completely changed between them I had hoped to write a different article this week about the troubles of General David Petraeus, not to talk about the scandal but the role of the individual in history and how destiny often has the last word. But in Egypt and the Middle East

Iran would, from the opening days of an Iraq governed by NI., be confronted by a coun=ry on its border led by Sunnis bent on the destruction of the Tehran gover=ment. An all-out religious war—this time between nations—might well be=considered inevitable by the Shiites in Iran. In other words, Ira= ha

n rebels was made against the advice of his top national secur=ty officials at that time, including Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, CIA Director David Petraeus, Joint Chi=fs Chairman Martin Dempsey, and Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta. His las=-minute decision in August 2013 not to strike Syria after its

last December. Iran too has expressed an interest in joining the organization, although Moscow recently said this would not be possible so long as Tehran remains under UN sanctions. All three countries currently languish as "observers," a status that Pakistan and India have held since 2005 and one th

ENTCOM's opportunity to work with our regional partners and to support multilateral security efforts." One year earlier, Mattis' predecessor, Gen. David Petraeus, made a similar point, saying, "The enduring hostilities between Israel and some of its neighbors present distinct challenges to our ability to adv

dicator of where his priorities really lie—is Erdogan's decision this month to let NATO deploy antimissile radars near the Turkish-Iranian border. Tehran is predictably furious. "We expect friendly countries and neighbors ... not to promote policies that create tension, which will definitely have com

one of the great protagonists of the post-9/11 era, serving more than half of the last 10 years in Afghanistan, Iraq and Pakistan. Along with Gen. David Petraeus, he rescued the United States from catastrophe in Iraq four years ago; now he is trying to repeat the feat in Kabul. He finds himself repeating man

some in Israel are getting it wrong with regard to Iran and what the Iranian leadership perceives as serious threats. Israel has to realise that the Tehran regime is more petrified by what is happening to its economy and among its own population than by the possibility of a military attack from Israel. W

administrations, Gates gets credit for stabilizing Iraq, though the key decisions that led to success--a surge of troops and the appointment of Gen. David Petraeus to oversee the strategy--predated his arrival. Petraeus says Gates knew that his real contribution was to buy time in Washington for the strategy to