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elevision. But at the time, very few Israelis even knew who I was, and I felt ’'d done OK. I was surprised, however, when Rabin phoned the next day. “Ehud, I didn’t see it. I was attending some event,” he said. But his wife, Leah, had recorded the program. “I just watched it. I should tell you, I think
my hands — the article accused me of siding with the settlers. If blood was spilled in the weeks and months ahead, the newspaper said, “it will be on Barak’s hands.” Ordinarily, I would have ignored it. But never in my military career had I been similarly attacked on an issue of any importance. I was es
o let the facts get in the way of the “exclusive” it ran in its weekend edition on July 7. Under a banner headline — an undeniably clever Hebrew pun, Ehud Barakh, “Ehud Ran Away” — it accused me of having stood by, paralyzed with shock, when the missiles struck and then, as other officers tended to the wounded
journalist Ron Pundak. Three PLO officials were there, led by Arafat’s closest economic aide, Abu Ala’a. Though both of the Israelis were friends of Yossi Beilin, a protégé of Peres and our deputy foreign minister, even Peres didn’t know about the meeting until Yossi told him the following day. Rabin knew an h
elevision. But at the time, very few Israelis even knew who I was, and I felt I'd done OK. I was surprised, however, when Rabin phoned the next day. "Ehud, I didn't see it. I was attending some event," he said. But his wife, Leah, had recorded the program. "I just watched it. I should tell you, I think
my hands - the article accused me of siding with the settlers. If blood was spilled in the weeks and months ahead, the newspaper said, "it will be on Barak's hands." Ordinarily, I would have ignored it. But never in my military career had I been similarly attacked on an issue of any importance. I was esp
o let the facts get in the way of the "exclusive" it ran in its weekend edition on July 7. Under a banner headline - an undeniably clever Hebrew pun, Ehud Barakh, "Ehud Ran Away" - it accused me of having stood by, paralyzed with shock, when the missiles struck and then, as other officers tended to the wounded
journalist Ron Pundak. Three PLO officials were there, led by Arafat's closest economic aide, Abu Ala'a. Though both of the Israelis were friends of Yossi Beilin, a protégé of Peres and our deputy foreign minister, even Peres didn't know about the meeting until Yossi told him the following day. Rabin knew an h
nk the prime minister and the defense minister, [Ehud Barak,] feel a profound, historic obligation not
ltation and intelligence coordination around that question, Israel feels more vulnerable. And I think the prime minister and the defense minister, [Ehud Barak,] feel a profound, historic obligation not to put Israel in a position where it cannot act decisively and unilaterally to protect the state of Isra
percentage point, leaving the Israeli left with the feeling that the assassin had won—and casting a dark cloud over the fate of the peace process. Yossi Beilin, who served as a member of Peres's cabinet at the time, recalls feeling bereft, "really broken," when results were announced. Yet he found Peres re
ltation and inte=ligence coordination around that question, Israel feels more vulnerable. A=d I think the prime minister and the defense minister, [Ehud Barak,J feel = profound, historic obligation not to put Israel in a position where it cannot act decisively and unilate=ally to protect the state of Israe
nk the prime minister and the defense minister, [Ehud Barak,J feel = profound, historic obligation not
a percentage=point, leaving the Israeli left with the feeling that the assassin had won—and casting a dark cloud over=the fate of the peace process. Yossi Beilin, who served as a member of Per=s's cabinet at the time, recalls feeling bereft, "really broken," wh=n results were announced. Yet he found Peres rem
ts Palestinian and Israeli opponents. Yossi Beilin served as a minister in the cabinets of Israeli Prime Ministers Yitzhak Rabin, Shimon Peres, and Ehud Barak. He initiated the Oslo peace process in 1992, worked on the Beilin-Abu Mazen talks between 1993 and 1995, and launched the Geneva Accord with Yasse
Prime Ministers Yitzhak Rabin, Shimon Peres, and Ehud Barak. He initiated the Oslo peace process in 19
_(In a Very Unhappy Middle East), Aaron David Miller Foreign Policy Dear Abu Mazen: End This Farce (An open letter to the Palestinian leader) Yossi Beilin Foreign Affairs God, Bush, and Obama Andrew Preston EFTA00686674 Article 6. The Economist Article 7. Anicic I. China's military rise Sp
/ BARAK / 15 By November, even his Foreign Minister, David Levy, was making noises about quitting. He said it would be a waste of time to stay in the cabine
ed his no-confidence resolution, he came to see me in my office in the Knesset. He was worried. Not about the vote, but about what would come after. “Ehud, I’m sure we can topple the government,” he told me. “But only you know whether we’re ready — whether you ’re ready — to defeat Bibi in an election.”
e city of Jerusalem. I was not opposed to the Palestinians calling Jerusalem the capital of their state. But even in follow-up talks after Oslo, when Yossi Beilin and Abu Mazen had explored avenues toward a possible resolution of the Jerusalem question, the maximum understanding was that Israel might expand the
/ BARAK / 15 By November, even his Foreign Minister, David Levy, was making noises about quitting. He said it would be a waste of time to stay in the cabinet
ed his no-confidence resolution, he came to see me in my office in the Knesset. He was worried. Not about the vote, but about what would come after. "Ehud, I'm sure we can topple the government," he told me. "But only you know whether we're ready - whether you're ready - to defeat Bibi in an election."
e city of Jerusalem. I was not opposed to the Palestinians calling Jerusalem the capital of their state. But even in follow-up talks after Oslo, when Yossi Beilin and Abu Mazen had explored avenues toward a possible resolution of the Jerusalem question, the maximum understanding was that Israel might expand the
, in 1995, and then with centrist Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, in 2008. Twice, Abbas endorsed principles
enty years, when Netanyahu's Likud was out of power, Abbas conducted direct negotiations with Israeli leaders: first with Labor's Justice Minister, Yossi Beilin, in 1995, and then with centrist Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, in 2008. Twice, Abbas endorsed principles of action on the core issues proposed by Isr
of the Palestinian Charter which denied Israel’s right to exist. 7 February 1999 King Hussein of Jordan dies. Abdullah II succeeds him. 17 May 1999 Ehud Barak elected Prime Minister of Israel. 4 September 1999 = Sharm el-Sheikh Memorandum. 5 October 1999 Protocol Concerning Safe Passage. HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_
Page: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023156 →- OUP CORRECTED PROOF - FINAL, 12/9/2014, SPi xxiv Chronology 15 December 1999 President Clinton hosts summit meeting with Israel’s Prime Minister Barak and Syrian Foreign Minister al-Shara, followed by rounds of peace talks in Shepherdstown, West Virginia, in January 2000. 5 March 2000 Government of
Page: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023156 →uent talks between the parties. In 1992, as the director of the Norwegian research institute Fafo, I initiated, together with then member of Knesset Yossi Beilin, secret talks between him and local Palestinian leader Faisal Husseini, at the American Colony Hotel in Jerusalem. These talks, which were facilitate
Page: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023162 →Entities connected to both Ehud Barak and Yossi Beilin

Jeffrey Epstein
PERSON
Nili Priell Barak
PERSON
John F. Kennedy
PERSON
Terje Rod-Larsen
PERSON
Jes Staley
PERSON
Bill Clinton
PERSON
Barack Obama
PERSON
George W. Bush
PERSON
Benjamin Netanyahu
PERSON
Prince Charles
PERSON
United States
LOCATION
Michael Cohen
PERSON
Peter Mandelson
PERSONJack Goldberger
PERSON
Jerusalem
LOCATION
Hillary Clinton
PERSON
Condoleezza Rice
PERSON
Lebanon
LOCATION
Vladimir Putin
PERSON
Virginia Giuffre
PERSON