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n officials talk frequently about China in domestic contexts, the president's policy toward Beijing is fundamentally incoherent. Two recent books, Henry Kissinger's On China and Aaron Friedberg's A Contest for Supremacy: China, America, and the Struggle for Mastery in Asia, suggest two very different interpret
a, and the Struggle for Mastery in Asia, suggest two very different interpretations of Chinese conduct and propose alternative American responses. Kissinger views China as a rising but thus far moderate power and warns against creating a self-fulfilling prophecy that could lead to zero-sum competition b
rictly moral reasons. We also now know how different intervention looks when we help forces who want to be helped. East Timor, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo, Libya — all cases where force evened out odds between a brutal government and a widespread and legitimate social or national movement. It is diffi
n officials talk frequently about China in domestic contexts, the president's policy toward Beijing is fundamentally incoherent. Two recent books, Henry Kissinger's On China and Aaron Friedberg's A Contest for Supremacy: China, America, and the Struggle for Mastery in Asia, suggest two very different interpret
a, and the Struggle for Mastery in Asia, suggest two very different interpretations of Chinese conduct and propose alternative American responses. Kissinger views China as a rising but thus far moderate power and warns against creating a self-fulfilling prophecy that could lead to zero-sum competition b
rictly moral reasons. We also now know how different intervention looks when we help forces who want to be helped. East Timor, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo, Libya — all cases where force evened out odds between a brutal government and a widespread and legitimate social or national movement. It is diffi
no other option than to seek innovative ways to decrease defense costs without losing deterrent power and risking national EFTA00712959 security. Henry Kissinger once argued that "The absence of alternatives clears the mind marvelously." The future of American deterrence will be connected to affordability. A
risking national EFTA00712959 security. Henry Kissinger once argued that "The absence of alternatives cl
President George W. Bush's doctrine of preemption are two sides of the same coin. This latter school of thought gave Americans Somalia, Bosnia, and Kosovo during the 1990s and Afghanistan and Iraq in the 2000s. While the nation's military took an "acquisition holiday" during the 1990s, the 2000s saw
hed “global zero” appeared in the Wall Street Journal on January 4, 2007, under the title “A World Free of Nuclear Weapons.” Signed by George Shultz, Henry Kissinger, William Perry, Sam Nunn, and others, it was the product of a conference at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University in October of the previous
Page: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023493 →they fall into unauthorized hands—is overly rigid and shortsighted. It is too bad that the authors of the statement didn’t make this point.) Shultz, Kissinger, et al. correctly urge that international measures be taken to place control of the nuclear fuel cycle in safe hands. But accomplishing this task is
Page: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023495 →, Tehran will have an extra element of coercive leverage. Under these circumstances, leaving Iraq entirely would be an act of folly. We are still in Kosovo, South Korea and other post-conflict zones that are far more stable. We need to be in Iraq too. We don't need to keep 50,000 troops there, but a con
Page: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023512 →strictly moral reasons. We also now know how different intervention looks when we help forces who want to be helped. East Timor, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo, Libya — all cases where force evened out odds between a brutal government and a widespread and legitimate social or national movement. It is difficu
Page: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024600 →ion officials talk frequently about China in domestic contexts, the president’s policy toward Beijing is fundamentally incoherent. Two recent books, Henry Kissinger’s On China and Aaron Friedberg’s A Contest for Supremacy: China, America, and the Struggle for Mastery in Asia, suggest two very different interpretati
Page: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024611 →rica, and the Struggle for Mastery in Asia, suggest two very different interpretations of Chinese conduct and propose alternative American responses. Kissinger views China as a rising but thus far moderate power and warns against creating a self-fulfilling prophecy that could lead to zero-sum competition bet
Page: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024611 →Entities connected to both Henry Kissinger and Kosovo

Jeffrey Epstein
PERSON
Bill Clinton
PERSON
George W. Bush
PERSON
Barack Obama
PERSON
United States
LOCATION
Marc Rich
PERSON
Donald Trump
PERSONLeon Black
PERSON
Prince Andrew
PERSON
John F. Kennedy
PERSON
Woody Allen
PERSON
Joe Biden
PERSON
Prince Charles
PERSON
Hillary Clinton
PERSON
Bashar al-Assad
PERSON
Ehud Barak
PERSON
Bradley Cooper
PERSON
Samantha Power
PERSON
Lebanon
LOCATION
Alan Dershowitz
PERSON