Epstein Secrets

live and throw garbage in everyone else's backyard. The prospects generally lack the public presence and star power of most Foggy Bottom occupants--Henry Kissinger, Colin Powell, and Condi Rice, for example. And they certainly don't rival Hillary Clinton, who is determined both to stay until January and not be

star power of most Foggy Bottom occupants--Henry Kissinger, Colin Powell, and Condi Rice, for example. And

ney's possibles include Robert Zoellick, the outgoing president of the World Bank; Stephen Hadley, national security adviser to George W. Bush; and Richard Haass, president of the Council on Foreign Relations (an organization familiar to this author). All held senior jobs in recent Republican administrations

n officials talk frequently about China in domestic contexts, the president's policy toward Beijing is fundamentally incoherent. Two recent books, Henry Kissinger's On China and Aaron Friedberg's A Contest for Supremacy: China, America, and the Struggle for Mastery in Asia, suggest two very different interpret

a, and the Struggle for Mastery in Asia, suggest two very different interpretations of Chinese conduct and propose alternative American responses. Kissinger views China as a rising but thus far moderate power and warns against creating a self-fulfilling prophecy that could lead to zero-sum competition b

alysts have reminded us of their views, calling Libya a quagmire. This week one of the leading proponents of that position, my friend and colleague Richard Haass, shifted gears — but only to remind us just how hard the road ahead in Libya is likely to be. I do not know anyone, regardless of the side they took

n officials talk frequently about China in domestic contexts, the president's policy toward Beijing is fundamentally incoherent. Two recent books, Henry Kissinger's On China and Aaron Friedberg's A Contest for Supremacy: China, America, and the Struggle for Mastery in Asia, suggest two very different interpret

a, and the Struggle for Mastery in Asia, suggest two very different interpretations of Chinese conduct and propose alternative American responses. Kissinger views China as a rising but thus far moderate power and warns against creating a self-fulfilling prophecy that could lead to zero-sum competition b

alysts have reminded us of their views, calling Libya a quagmire. This week one of the leading proponents of that position, my friend and colleague Richard Haass, shifted gears — but only to remind us just how hard the road ahead in Libya is likely to be. I do not know anyone, regardless of the side they took

analysts have reminded us of their views, calling Libya a quagmire. This week one of the leading proponents of that position, my friend and colleague Richard Haass, shifted gears — but only to remind us just how hard the road ahead in Libya 1s likely to be. I do not know anyone, regardless of the side they took

ion officials talk frequently about China in domestic contexts, the president’s policy toward Beijing is fundamentally incoherent. Two recent books, Henry Kissinger’s On China and Aaron Friedberg’s A Contest for Supremacy: China, America, and the Struggle for Mastery in Asia, suggest two very different interpretati

rica, and the Struggle for Mastery in Asia, suggest two very different interpretations of Chinese conduct and propose alternative American responses. Kissinger views China as a rising but thus far moderate power and warns against creating a self-fulfilling prophecy that could lead to zero-sum competition bet

all over the world. America has a much-needed opportunity to refocus on itself - to recover its inner strength without withdrawing from the world. As Richard Haass, the president of the Council on Foreign Relations, puts it, America must enter a period of "restoration" of its fundamentals. American foreign polic

long-term global strategy. Must the US, as Henry Kissinger suggests in his latest book On China, consider th

n Iran's nuclear ambitions. But it is in Asia that history is unfolding - and where the US must define its long-term global strategy. Must the US, as Henry Kissinger suggests in his latest book On China, consider the prospect of a "Pacific Community" that, unlike the Cold War-era Atlantic Community, is not based o