Epstein Secrets

," the senior official said. "I would guess that President Clinton views that as a compliment." Spiegel Was Yasser

n "Game Change," their account of the 2008 race. "He thought that Obama might actually believe that Reagan's tenure had been superior to his own." Bill Clinton's attacks hurt Hillary as much as they did Obama. The Times denounced Clinton's fairy-tale comment as a "bizarre and rambling attack" and as exemplif

More than anyone, he pushed Hillary to take the job of Secretary of State. "President Clinton was a big supporter of the idea," an intimate of the Clintons told me. "He advocated very strongly for it and arguably was the tie-breaking reason she took the job." For one thing, having his spouse in that po

im for a speech in May that accused Moscow of bribing Kyrgyzstan, McFaul tweeted, "Still learning the craft of speaking more diplomatically." 47. Martin Indyk Having spent years in top diplomatic posts during the Clinton administration -- U.S. ambassador to Israel (twice), assistant secretary of state fo

l beyond the diplomacy of the Middle East: science, music, and our shared interest in history. What most struck Nava and me, however, was the way the Clintons interacted with each other. The scandal surrounding Monica Lewinsky was still fresh. I suppose we expected to see signs of tension. Whether they were

ing and running the election campaign. We met at Labor headquarters in Milbank Towers so Philip could show me the “war room” — modelled, in part, on Bill Clinton’s campaign operation — from which the victory had been planned and executed. It was a large, open-plan space, nothing like the warren of offices and co

to revive it, we were running against the clock. President Clinton, a key player in any hope of turning the promise

ext morning. Clinton began by meeting Arafat, as I went through the Americans’ strategy for the negotiations with Madeleine Albright, Dennis Ross and Martin Indyk. Then I met the President in his cabin, which was called Aspen. He told me that while Arafat still thought I was trying to “trick him” into an agreem

l beyond the diplomacy of the Middle East: science, music, and our shared interest in history. What most struck Nava and me, however, was the way the Clintons interacted with each other. The scandal surrounding Monica Lewinsky was still fresh. I suppose we expected to see signs of tension. Whether they were

ning and running the election campaign. We met at Labor headquarters in Milbank Towers so Philip could show me the "war room" - modelled, in part, on Bill Clinton's campaign operation - from which the victory had been planned and executed. It was a large, open-plan space, nothing like the warren of offices and co

to revive it, we were running against the clock. President Clinton, a key player in any hope of turning the promise

ext morning. Clinton began by meeting Arafat, as I went through the Americans' strategy for the negotiations with Madeleine Albright, Dennis Ross and Martin Indyk. Then I met the President in his cabin, which was called Aspen. He told me that while Arafat still thought I was trying to "trick him" into an agreem

ying to get the bomb, the Americans bribed them with F-16s not to. Now, some of those same F-16s are wired to carry Pakistani A-bombs. And remember Clinton and North Korea. He was determined to stop them. But look what happened." Such a jaundiced view of history also lies behind Barak's advocacy of Is

s life." Netanyahu's strategic timidity and general risk aversion -- his boldness is more apparent in words than deeds -- only sweetens the bargain. Martin Indyk, a former U.S. ambassador to Israel, told me that "Bibi's caution makes it possible for Barak to do his own thing" -- an irresistible prospect for

some of the most EFTA00707177 consequential international security challenges currently facing the United States. It is a big change. While Mrs. Clinton earned plaudits for her tireless travels, the sixty-seventh secretary will be remembered more for talking about diplomacy's importance than for act

nian Talks on Course, but what about the spoiler? Start with the track that is best-positioned: the Israeli-Palestinian negotiations. US negotiator Martin Indyk brings the expertise and the diplomatic and bureaucratic credentials necessary to hold his own in a negotiation where required compromises can be b

n the Arab world, with Secretary of State Hillary Clinton saying this week, "There is a different leader i

ver, there was almost no hope for such an agreement even before the challenge in the streets. Anyway, which seasoned analysts? The one he quotes is Martin Indyk, who almost always believes that tout va bien, but especially when things are going horridly. Well, we don't really know how badly or, for that mat

New York Times (11/30, Broadwater), the Washington Post (11/30, Blake), the Wall Street Journal (11/30, Tau, Hughes), CBS News (11/30, Kim, Quinn, Linton), NBC News (11/30, Gregorian), Fox News (11/30, Singman), USA Today (11/30, Jansen), New York Post (11/30, Brufke, Chemberlaine), and The Guardian (

b-Israeli peace process for the following four decades. In his new book, "Master of the Game: Henry Kissinger and the Art of Middle East Diplomacy", Martin Indyk, the former U.S. ambassador to Israel and special envoy for the Israeli-Palestinian negotiations, aims to explain the arc of American diplomatic in

ng the nuclear threshold. When Islamabad did eventually EFTA_R1_00482797 EFTA01990229 break out, testing its first nuclear devices in 1998, the Clinton administration condemned the action and then went about quietly adjusting itself to the new reality in South Asia. The lesson Barak absorbed, accor

allot box. Netanyahu "reads polls for breakfast and EFTA_R1_00482799 EFTA01990231 he knows the Israeli public is not behind him [on Iran]," says Martin Indyk, a former ambassador to Israel and now director of the Foreign Policy Program at the Brookings Institution in Washington. "If Tel Aviv is under ro

akistan from crossing the nuclear threshold. When Islamabad did eventually break out, testing its first nuclear devices EFTA00711873 in 1998, the Clinton administration condemned the action and then went about quietly adjusting itself to the new reality in South Asia. The lesson Barak absorbed, accor

ould well hurt Netanyahu in the ballot box. Netanyahu "reads polls for breakfast and he knows the Israeli public is not behind him [on Iran]," says Martin Indyk, a former ambassador to Israel and now director of the Foreign Policy Program at the Brookings Institution in Washington. "If Tel Aviv is under roc