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central role meant the threat to Israel would be dramatically reduced. I’m much less sure whether the elder President Bush, whose election defeat to Bill Clinton came just two days before our final exercise in the Negev, would have agreed with the attack. After the victory in the Gulf War, Bush had deliberatel
ut international politics. I remember one afternoon in the summer of 1992 when he mentioned the then US presidential candidate Bill Clinton. He’d met Clinton for the first time in Washington, after two days of talks with President Bush at his summer home in Maine. Rabin was naturally more comfortable deali
ld go on to forge a much closer relationship with President Clinton than between any previous Israeli and US leader.
he security zone and for the government as well. The difficulty was that it was also a situation that perfectly suited Hizbollah. In late October, a Katyusha rocket had claimed the life of a 14-year-old boy in the northern Israeli town of Kiryat Shmona. Hizbollah escalated its rocket fire in the days that
l beyond the diplomacy of the Middle East: science, music, and our shared interest in history. What most struck Nava and me, however, was the way the Clintons interacted with each other. The scandal surrounding Monica Lewinsky was still fresh. I suppose we expected to see signs of tension. Whether they were
ing and running the election campaign. We met at Labor headquarters in Milbank Towers so Philip could show me the “war room” — modelled, in part, on Bill Clinton’s campaign operation — from which the victory had been planned and executed. It was a large, open-plan space, nothing like the warren of offices and co
to revive it, we were running against the clock. President Clinton, a key player in any hope of turning the promise
arly two decades. The main argument for keeping it — that it protected the security of northern Israel — was undermined by the fact that thousands of Katyusha rockets had been fired over it. And in the low-grade war we were fighting against Hizbollah inside the security zone, around 20 Israeli soldiers had
central role meant the threat to Israel would be dramatically reduced. I'm much less sure whether the elder President Bush, whose election defeat to Bill Clinton came just two days before our final exercise in the Negev, would have agreed with the attack. After the victory in the Gulf War, Bush had deliberatel
ut international politics. I remember one afternoon in the summer of 1992 when he mentioned the then US presidential candidate Bill Clinton. He'd met Clinton for the first time in Washington, after two days of talks with President Bush at his summer home in Maine. Rabin was naturally more comfortable deali
ld go on to forge a much closer relationship with President Clinton than between any previous Israeli and US leader.
the security zone and for the government as well. The difficulty was that it was also a situation that perfectly suited Hizbollah. In late October, a Katyusha rocket had claimed the life of a 14-year-old boy in the northern Israeli town of Kiryat Shmona. Hizbollah escalated its rocket fire in the days that
l beyond the diplomacy of the Middle East: science, music, and our shared interest in history. What most struck Nava and me, however, was the way the Clintons interacted with each other. The scandal surrounding Monica Lewinsky was still fresh. I suppose we expected to see signs of tension. Whether they were
ning and running the election campaign. We met at Labor headquarters in Milbank Towers so Philip could show me the "war room" - modelled, in part, on Bill Clinton's campaign operation - from which the victory had been planned and executed. It was a large, open-plan space, nothing like the warren of offices and co
to revive it, we were running against the clock. President Clinton, a key player in any hope of turning the promise
arly two decades. The main argument for keeping it - that it protected the security of northern Israel - was undermined by the fact that thousands of Katyusha rockets had been fired over it. And in the low-grade war we were fighting against Hizbollah inside the security zone, around 20 Israeli soldiers had
ing any of the previous directors,' Garland said." Later, Sen. John Comyn (R-TX) "pointed to Comey's move prior to the 2016 election to rail against Clinton's conduct, even though the Justice Department had decided not to bring any charges against her," and "Garland said it wouldn't be 'useful' for him
nce the U.S. Supreme Court allowed the death penalty to resume in 1976." Pritzker Signs Criminal Justice Reform Bill. The Chicago Sun-Times (2/22, Hinton, 970K) reports Illinois Gov. J.B. Pritzker (D) "signed a sweeping criminal justice bill into law Monday, moving Illinois closer to ending cash bail
ed into the Middle East." In Third Attack In A Week, Three Rockets Land Near US Embassy In Baghdad. Politico (2/22, Seligman, 6.73M) reports three Katyusha rockets landed near the US Embassy in Baghdad Monday, "the third such attack in Iraq in the span of one week." A defense official said "there are n
Entities connected to both Bill Clinton and Katyusha

Prince Andrew
PERSON
George W. Bush
PERSON
Hillary Clinton
PERSON
Barack Obama
PERSON
Marc Rich
PERSONLeon Black
PERSON
United States
LOCATION
Department of Justice
ORGANIZATION
Joe Biden
PERSON
Virginia Giuffre
PERSON
New York
LOCATION
John F. Kennedy
PERSON
Prince Charles
PERSON
Stephen Hawking
PERSON
Eric Trump
PERSONDoug Band
PERSON
Michael Cohen
PERSON
Vladimir Putin
PERSON
Ehud Barak
PERSON
Wilbur Ross
PERSON