Epstein Secrets

d everybody’s disbelieving looks, the president seemed HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019905 intent on surrounding himself in the White House with his family. The Trumps, all of them —except for his wife, who, mystifyingly, was staying in New York—were moving in, all of them set to assume responsibilities similar to t

me when it had borders. When America was great. Trump had become the platform for that message. By that January evening, Bannon had been immersed in Donald Trump’s world for almost five months. And though he had accumulated a sizable catalogue of Trump’s peculiarities, and cause enough for possible alarm about t

ked Trump’s impact and his shamelessness. “He just keeps going,” Ailes had marveled to a friend after the first debate with Hillary Clinton. “You hit Donald along the head, and he keeps going. He doesn’t even know he’s been hit.” But Ailes was convinced that Trump had no political beliefs or backbone. Th

rtly after eight o’clock that evening, when the unexpected trend—Trump might actually win—seemed confirmed, Don Jr. told a friend that his father, or DJT, as he called him, looked as if he had seen a ghost. Melania, to whom Donald Trump had made his solemn guarantee, was in tears—and not of joy. There

ncies and personnel responsible for enforcing it, President Trump—with Bannon’s low, intense voice behind him, offe

streamed on a laptop in the transition offices. “Mr. Trump said he’s never once listened to a whole Obama sp

lism, of people knowing too much who were defeated by all the complexities and conflicting interests before they began. Trump, knowing little, might, Trumpers tried to believe, give a kooky new hope to the system. Jared Kushner in quite a short period of time—trather less than a year—had crossed over from

, namely that these kinds of events—Trump sitting down with serious-minded people and looking for solutions to the nation’s problems—were the soul of Trump’s White House and the media was giving them scant coverage. Hosting business advisory councils was a Kushner strategy. It was an enlightened business

g as much policy as possible to Capitol Hill. In the early weeks of the administration, Priebus arranged for House Speaker Paul Ryan, however much a Trumpist béte noire for much of the campaign, to come into the White House with a group of ranking committee chairmen. In the meeting, the president blithely

s “a moron.” But then, continuing under the rubric of media he hated, he veered to CNN and the deep disloyalty HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019953 of its chief, Jeff Zucker. Zucker, who as the head of NBC had commissioned 7he Apprentice, had been “made by Trump,” Trump said of himself in the third person. And Trump had “

its decidedly nonneutral take, was an option. CNN needed an identity. In this week's cover story, Jonathan Mahler tells the story of how President Trump solved that problem for the network, largely because of a strange symbiosis between him and CNN's president, Jeff Zucker, that dates back to their

ng, Jake Silverstein Editor in Chief EFTA00627844 We Zucker. Jeff Zucker. Philip Montgomery for The New York Times FEATURE CNN Had a Problem. Donald Trump Solved It. B) JONATHAN :\IAHLER Inside the strange symbiosis between Jeff Zucker and the president he helped create. RGilles Kepel en route to a

r The New York Times FEATURE CNN Had a Problem. Donald Trump Solved It. B) JONATHAN :\IAHLER Inside t

er story, Jonathan Mahler tells the story of how President Trump solved that problem for the network, largely beca

tells the story of how President Trump solved that problem for the network, largely because of a strange symbiosis between him and CNN's president, Jeff Zucker, that dates back to their work together on reality TV. Last spring the two men ran into each other in a men's room. "You think any of this would ha

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