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framework of international norms. It's well-known that China does not condone any criticism of Chinese policies regarding Taiwan or the regions of Xinjiang and Tibet. Less understood is under what conditions China may accept infringements on sovereignty far from its own territory. It is tempting to re
st expansion. Arguably, however, the three capitals of Khartoum, Juba and Beijing have mutual vulnerabilities. The two Sudanese states, especially South Sudan are in desperate need of investments for development. With more than $12.5 billion invested in the petro- sector, much of it in the disputed Abyei a
ng seized and has never relinquished Aksai Chin —"the desert of white stone"—a strategic corridor that links Tibet to the western Chinese region of Xinjiang. "The India-China war took place through a complex series of actions misunderstandings," says Kishan S. Rana, a former Indian diplomat and honorary
he other Nile Basin states, building further bridges between them. As if to demonstrate this idea, last week saw the conclusion of a 10-day tour to South Sudan, Uganda, Rwanda and Ethiopia, in order to involve civil society organisations in boosting cooperation with the Nile Basin states, according to Magd
want some new general principle of "responsibility to protect" to be used in an exaggerated way, because it could be applied to China's situation in Xinjiang or elsewhere. RLK: But there's more complexity with Myanmar because Myanmar an ASEAN country and China has great political interest in ASEAN, particu
Page: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033253 →t seems like we have more of them. There's more of a desire for individual groups of people to assert their own independence. We see it in the Kurds, South Sudan, many places in the world. Perhaps it's our interconnected world of 24-hour-a-day internet, which allows similar people to congregate together and ta
Page: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033254 →Entities connected to both Xinjiang and South Sudan

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