Epstein Secrets

that happens, the future of this kingdom on which the world depends for oil has never been more precarious. King Abdullah is nearly 90 and ailing. Crown Prince Salman is 76. The royal family can continue to pass the monarchy to remaining brothers and half-brothers, but even the youngest of those is already in his

the oil-producing Eastern Province and son of the late King Fand; Khalid bin Sultan, deputy minister of defense and son of the late EFTA00657287 Crown Prince Sultan; and Muhammad bin Nayef, deputy minister of interior for security and son of the late Crown Prince Nayef. How would a new-generation monarch be sel

ly part of a local power struggle. Radical Salafists are in a power struggle with the Muslim Brotherhood; attacking the US embassy forces President Morsi (as the radical strategists presumably expected) to side with the US, however slowly or reluctantly. That's a win for the radicals, who want to tar

ing to plan — a big "if' in Egypt — Egyptians who believe in a democratic, civil state theoretically have the remainder of EFTA00657289 President Mohamed Morsi's term of office to get their collective act together. But practically speaking, the short-term political calendar will not allow them such a leng

ot to Asia Bruce Riedel March 13, 2014 -- Saudi Crown Prince Salman bin Abdulaziz al-Saud's visit this week to China

how presented by Bassem Youssef — who has been called Egypt's Jon Stewart — is evidence of this change. For a year, Mr. Youssef ridiculed President Mohamed Morsi. After the ouster of Mr. Morsi, Mr. Youssef turned his attention to Egypt's new ruler, Gen. Abdul-Fattah el-Sisi (now a field marshal). In so doing

as been called Egypt's Jon Stewart — is evidence of this change. For a year, Mr. Youssef ridiculed President Mohamed Morsi. After the ouster of Mr. Morsi, Mr. Youssef turned his attention to Egypt's new ruler, Gen. Abdul-Fattah el-Sisi (now a field marshal). In so doing, he incurred the ire of those

d Marshal Al-Sisi's visit to Moscow, and that of Crown Prince Salman Bin Abdul-Aziz to a number of East Asian countri

Egypt's state, backed by its 7m-strong civil service as well as the powerful army and police. He is also a hero to the many Egyptians who loathe Mr Morsi and his Muslim Brotherhood. Their fervour has generated a minor industry of Sisibilia, from T-shirts to chocolates and costume jewellery, all sport

d Marshal Al-Sisi's visit to Moscow, and that of Crown Prince Salman Bin Abdul-Aziz to a number of East Asian countri

Egypt's state, backed by its 7m-strong civil service as well as the powerful army and police. He is also a hero to the many Egyptians who loathe Mr Morsi and his Muslim Brotherhood. Their fervour has generated a minor industry of Sisibilia, from T- shirts to chocolates and costume jewellery, all sport

technology and sciences: one of his sons, Sultan bin Salman, became the first Muslim to go into space on an

ut for democracy would tempt ordinary Egyptians to pine for the brutal certitudes of Mr Mubarak's rule. Better that the vote take place—and that Mr Morsi, the Muslim Brother, become president of the Arab world's biggest country. People are nervous of the Muslim Brothers. Many secular-minded Arabs fe

e, but influential policy magazine become a conduit between Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan of the Abu Dhabi, Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, and Donald Trump's closest inner circle, both after, and — crucially for special counsel Robert Mueller's ongoing criminal investigation — before Tr

hey also believed that Clinton would be soft on Islamists. It is an article of faith in Egypt that she enabled the rise of the Muslim Brotherhood and Mohamed Morsi in 2011 and 2012. For countries in the Persian Gulf, Egypt provides strategic depth, and "losing" it to the Muslim Brotherhood was a major geopolitic