Epstein Secrets

nologues over the past six weeks provide "the rhetorical roots of Trump's Independence Day speech at Mount Rushmore." To Swan, Trump's speechwriter Stephen Miller "framed the president's opposition to the Black Lives Matter protest movement using the same imagery Carlson has been laying out night after night o

State (IS), and those individuals they sought to inspire, has now become a kaleidoscope with new threats from Iboogaloo bois,' white supremacists, neo-Nazis, and shadowy anarchist elements." They concluded, "Yet now, as evidenced by events that have played out over the first half of this year, there is a

ump's claim that he supports legal immigration turns out to be a lie," Eugene Robinson writes in his column: "Long advocated by White House adviser Stephen Miller, the Torquemada of the immigration inquisition, the new policy is a major step in Trump's crusade to Make America White Again. If it survives court

ort for someone else while privately backing Trump. Today, on the second anniversary of the Charlottesville violence that led the president to call neo-Nazis 'very good people,' and as the president's overall approval ratings remain relatively low, many of those who brought him to the dance appear to be

the senior people who had departed. And the stature of those who remained seemed to be more diminutive by the week. Hope Hicks, at twenty-eight, and Stephen Miller, at thirty-two, both of whom had begun as effective interns on the campaign, were now among the seniormost figures in the White House. Hicks had assu

n o’clock on Monday morning at a White House under construction and a wall of shouted questions about Charlottesville: “Do you condemn the actions of neo-Nazis? Do you condemn the actions of white supremacists?” Some ninety minutes later he stood in the Diplomatic Reception Room, his eyes locked on to the te