Epstein Secrets

people." If the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood removed Syria from Moscow and Tehran's spheres of influence and aligned Damascus with Washington, Ankara, Riyadh, and Doha, the regional balance of power would shift in favor of the United States. Israel's Interests Israel would welcome the decline of Iranian

Abu Qurah in Jordan, and the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt — to be reliable partners in the effort to undermine Communism and Arab nationalism. After the Soviet Union imploded in 1991, the United States continued to foster alliances with Islamist groups to undermine governments that did not cooperate with the "Ne

wards Prince Bandar's leaks reflects the mood of some policy experts who have already chalked off Saudi Arabia as an important ally. It's true that Riyadh has done damage to American interests by supporting Islamic extremists in a number of countries. On the whole, however, Saudi funds and arms have l

all, the Ottoman Empire had ruled over Egypt. And, on the Turkish side, there was a sense of superiority vis-à-vis the Arab world. The collapse of the Soviet Union awakened "neo-Ottoman" Turkish ambitions in the Caucasus and Central Asia, and revolution in the Middle East seemed to offer the heirs (if not orph

ght be, before his death Mr. Aljomaih prepared a declaration in support of his motion to dismiss. He was born in Saudi Arabia in 1915 and lived in Riyadh for most of his life. Aljomaih Decl. 113. He and his family began a company in the 1940s that now supplies automobiles, soft drinks, construction

8) (find- ing in FTCA case that the CIA had no authority and therefore no discretion to open U.S. first class mail departing for and arriving from the Soviet Union); Glickman v. United States, 626 F.Supp• 171, 175 (S.D.N.Y.1985) (finding in FTCA case that CIA agent's secret administra- tion of LSD to plaintif

But alternative powers are hard even to contemplate for a nation that has been a staunch U.S. ally for decades. Russia is on the opposite side to Riyadh over the Syrian war and China's military clout remains modest compared with the United States'. Robert Jordan, U.S. ambassador to Riyadh from 2001-

The reassertion of France's world role was the primary concern of Charles de Gaulle. It was a goal he pursued in many ways, from early outreach to the Soviet Union to withdrawal of French troops from NATO. He wove a strong relationship with Israel during the Algerian war, at a time when the United States was p

hen the kingdom was buffeted by several major suicide bombings. But the arrest earlier this month of eight men accused of plotting tenor attacks in Riyadh and Jeddah is proof that the campaign is not over. As one Saudi newspaper editorial put it: "Renewed vigilance is required." Of the eight men arres

United States in terms of its standing in Arab and Muslim states. The 1973 October War nearly led to a confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union, while the emergency resupply of Israeli forces during the war prompted an Arab oil embargo. The 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon led to an ill-fate

ithin itself, as is the royal family. Prince Salman, the kingdom's defense minister since last November (after nearly half a century as governor of Riyadh), is more energetic and less rigid than the late Prince Nayef, but unlikely to initiate significant reforms. Nayefs death will please those Saudis

ing democracy; only transparent, efficient, honest government. They want a leader who can make the sclerotic system function better. Yet, much like the Soviet Union in its final years when power passed from one old man to another—Brezhnev to Andropov to Chernenko—in quick succession, the Saudi royal family con

unrest that has shaken that country since February. For more than 60 years, Saudi Arabia has been bound by an unwritten bargain: oil for security. Riyadh has often protested but ultimately acquiesced to what it saw as misguided U.S. policies. But American missteps in the region since Sept. 11, an ill

r. The opening to China is a story Kissinger has told before: how he and Nixon had discerned that country could become a strategic counterweight to the Soviet Union; how he secretly flew to China after feigning illness in Pakistan; how he and Premier Zhou Enlai hammered out the diplomatic basis for EFTA_R1_020

mbling -- something they know is not out of the question for their dynasty of octogenarians now in its own tired, Brezhnevite phase. Simply because Riyadh wants to topple the pro-Iranian al Assad does not mean it would be pleased with an EFTA00712375 extended situation in which nobody is in charge i

w short years, even as Saddam had directly killed perhaps four times that many over the previous third of a century. Then there are the examples of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia. When the Soviet state collapsed, it led to a rash of ethnic and regional wars across the Caucasus and Central Asia -- tens of thous

o be Prince Salman, a more pragmatic and progressive prince with a half century's experience as the governor and builder of the kingdom's capital, Riyadh. Nayif, born in 1933 and interior minister since 1975, was never a proponent of reform, and advocated a tough line on human-rights issues for deca

hs of 100 million Americans and over 100 million Russians. The main story line of the crisis is familiar. In October 1962, a U.S. spy plane caught the Soviet Union attempting to sneak nuclear-tipped missiles into Cuba, 90 miles off the U.S. coast. Kennedy determined at the outset that this could not stand. Aft

d Congress's attempt to block arms sales to Saudi Arabia. He vetoed three different resolutions that would've stopped several arms sales benefiting Riyadh and the United Arab Emirates. From Karoun Demirjian and Colby Itkowitz: "The sales would replenish part of the Saudi arsenal that lawmakers say has

"Dad, my sitting here today, in the U.S. Capitol, talking to our elected officials is proof that you made the right decision 40 years ago to leave the Soviet Union and come here to the United States of America in search of a better life for our family," Vindman said in his opening statement. "Do not worry, I