Epstein Secrets

om the US until recently may have been predicated on another Iraq war — when the administration of George H.W. Bush demonstrating its commitment to Saudi Arabia's security in 1990 deployed 500,000 US troops to the kingdom to expel Saddam Hussein's forces from neighboring Kuwait. In the eyes of Saudis, that wa

wn the al Qaeda-linked groups. U.S. relations with traditional allies in the Gulf, Jordan, Israel and Egypt were very good. Iran was contained, its Revolutionary Guard forces at home. Today, terrorism has metastasized in Syria and Iraq, Jordan is at risk, the humanitarian toll is staggering, terrorist groups are g

and Israel back to each other's arms—for now. More than at any time since the 1950s, Jordan's Hashemite monarchy now depends on the United States, Saudi Arabia, and Israel for its security. However, the Syria contingency only conceals the harsh reality: A serious wedge—the collapse of the two-state solutio

rder who was given leeway by the regime's powers that be. He couldn't defy the supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, or run afoul of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard. The case is now being made that Rohani is no freelancer, that he is a player of standing in the regime, and that the olive branch he carries with

The Washington Post From a Saudi prince, tough talk on America's favoritism toward Israel Richard Cohen June 13 -- As best I can recall, I first met Saudi Arabia's Prince Turki al-Faisal at a private home in Washington years ago. I found him stern and humorless, sometimes even bitter. I have seen him since at in

not those in Syria) while brutalizing its own seekers of the freedom promised in 1979. Arabs aren't buying Iranian hypocrisy. Only Iran's command of Revolutionary Guard force and the opposition's lack of a shared goal salvage it. Khamenei is at loggerheads with President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, who got into such a sulk