Epstein Secrets

virtual policy, it has also been more open to the media than any White House in recent memory. In the beginning, I sought a level of formal access to this White House, something of a fly-on- the-wall status. The president himself encouraged this idea. But, given the many fiefdoms in the Trump White House that came

heeding Senate leader Mitch McConnell’s prescription that “this president will sign whatever is put in front of him,” while also taking advantage of the White House’s lack of political and legislative experience and outsourcing as much policy as possible to Capitol Hill. In the early weeks of the administration, P

om he had never met before, for positions whose importance Trump did not particularly understand. Ailes, a veteran of the Nixon, Reagan, and Bush 41 White Houses, was growing worried by the president-elect’s lack of immediate focus on a White House structure that could serve and protect him. He tried to impres

cific ideas about how to turn his themes and vitriol into policy, nor a team that could reasonably unite behind him. HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019969 In most White Houses, policy and action flow down, with staff trying to implement what the president wants—or, at the very least, what the chief of staff says the preside

rinciples. 7 OK Ok Almost from the beginning, the West Wing was run against the near-daily report that the person charged with running it, Chief of Staff Reince Priebus, was about to lose his job. Or, if he was not about to lose his job, the only reason he was keeping it was that he had not had it long enough to yet

n Trump's inner circle. Chief of Staff John Kelly, fed up with Trump—just as Trump was f up with him—seemed surely on the way out. Kelly had joined the Wh House, replacing Reince Priebus, Trump's first chief of staff, in Aug 2017, charged with bringing management discipline to a chaotic W Wing. But by mid-f

mp campaign, arguably among the most careless about election law compliance in recent history. Before joining the Trump administra- tion, McGahn had no White House or executive branch experience. He had never worked in the Justice Department or, in fact, anywhere in gov- ernment. Formerly an attorney for a nonp

2017, mere weeks after the inauguration, and not ►ong after the FBI had first raised questions about National Security Ad. Michael Flynn, Chief of Staff Reince Priebus had walked into Steve I non's office and said, "going to do you a big favor. Give me your a card. Don't ask me why, just give it to me. You'll be t

revelations that have clouded most of his tenure in office. -- Hicks's comments are newly relevant against the backdrop of the impeachment inquiry. The White House's categorical refusal to comply with subpoenas for documents, from phone records to emails, has made it harder for investigators to corroborate sworn

tement that went to the press." During that flight back to Washington, Hicks also went to Trump's cabin to tell him that then-White House Chief of Staff Reince Priebus knew about the emails. There are four redacted paragraphs about what happened next. — A reminder of what was in the emails: British music publicist