Epstein Secrets

favor. Give me your a card. Don't ask me why, just give it to me. You'll be thanking me for rest of your life:" Bannon opened his wallet and gave Priebus his American ExI card. Priebus shortly returned, handed the card back, and said, "You have legal insurance Over the next year, Bannon—a witness of

Chief of Staff John Kelly, fed up with Trump—just as Trump was f up with him—seemed surely on the way out. Kelly had joined the Wh House, replacing Reince Priebus, Trump's first chief of staff, in Aug 2017, charged with bringing management discipline to a chaotic W Wing. But by mid-fall, Trump was circumventi

invective. His legal interpretation of proper executive branch function too often thwarted his boss's wishes. Dowd and his colleagues, Ty Cobb and Jay Sekulow—the trio of law- yers charged with navigating the president through his personal legal problems—had, on the other hand, become highly skilled in avo

to tell him that then-White House Chief of Staff Reince Priebus knew about the emails. There are four redacted p

l him that then-White House Chief of Staff Reince Priebus knew about the emails. There are four redacted p

p family. Cohen. and Page 17288 EFTA00046799 Kushner, "and Cohen did not push back." Cohen also told the FBI that he spoke with Trump's attorney Jay Sekulow about pardons after his home and office were raided. Sekulow told the AP that Cohen's statements were false. 2. Former Trump deputy campaign chair

to tell him that then-White House Chief of Staff Reince Priebus knew about the emails. There are four redacted p

him that then-White House Chief of Staff Reince Priebus knew about the emails. There are four redacted p

nt who represented the Trump family, Cohen, and Kushner, "and Cohen did not push back." Cohen also told the FBI that he spoke with Trump's attorney Jay Sekulow about pardons after his home and office were raided. Sekulow told the AP that Cohen's statements were false. 2. Former Trump deputy campaign chairm

egic approach on the part of the president—quite an unlikely development. Meanwhile, the couple blamed everyone else in the White House. They blamed Priebus for the disarray that had produced a warlike atmosphere that propelled constant and damaging leaks, they blamed Bannon for leaking, and they blamed S

in his unquestioned certitudes. There was now a fair amount of back-of-the-classroom giggling about who had called Trump what. For Steve Mnuchin and Reince Priebus, he was an “idiot.” For Gary Cohn, he was “dumb as shit.” For H. R. McMaster he was a “dope.” The list went on. Tillerson would merely become yet an

e Oval Office, you send those two kids home, you get rid of Hope, all these deadbeats, and you listen to your legal team—Kasowitz, and Mark Dowd, and Jay Sekulow, and Mark Corallo, these are all professionals who have done this many times. You listen to those guys and never talk about this stuff again, you jus

d invective. His legal interpretation of proper executive branch function too often thwarted his boss's wishes. Dowd and his colleagues, Ty Cobb and Jay Sekulow—the trio of law- yers charged with navigating the president through his personal legal problems—had, on the other hand, become highly skilled in avoi

eks after the inauguration, and not long SIEGE $ after the FBI had first raised questions about National Security Adv Michael Flynn, Chief of Staff Reince Priebus had walked into Steve I nons office and said, “I'm going to do you a big favor. Give me your ci card. Don't ask me why, just give it to me. You'll be