Epstein Secrets

ought up the possibility of firing everybody. Should I fire Bannon? Should I fire Reince? Should I fire McMaster? Should I fire Spicer? Should I fire Tillerson? This ritual was, everyone understood, more a pretext to a discussion of the power he held than it was, strictly, about personnel decisions. Still, i

dy with foreign policy stature and an international network had been put in HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020053 place—even the new secretary of state designate, Rex Tillerson, had no real experience in foreign policy. To bewildered foreign secretaries, it seemed logical to see the presidentelect’s son-in-law as a figure of

otes to replace Paul Ryan as Speaker of the House with Mark Meadows, the head of the Tea Party-inspired Freedom Caucus and an early Trump supporter. (Meadows’s wife had a particular place of regard in the Trump camp for continuing a campaign swing across the Bible Belt over Billy Bush weekend.) Nearly as

h would characterize with a raised eyebrow as more “Breitbart shenanigans”— that they had the votes to replace Paul Ryan as Speaker of the House with Mark Meadows, the head of the Tea Party-inspired Freedom Caucus and an early Trump supporter. (Meadows’s wife had a particular place of regard in the Trump camp f

r had urged the ouster of many of them), any of whom might testify against him. In March alone, Gary Cohn, the president's chief economic adviser, Rex Tillerson, the secretary of state, and Andrew McCabe, the deputy director of the FBI—each man bearing the president deep contempt— were pushed from the admini

d out his threat not to sign the bill, he would bring on what they most feared: a shutdown. And he might well blame the shutdown on his own party. Mark Meadows, the head of the House Freedom Caucus and a staunch Trump ally in Congress, called the president from Europe to say that after the vote on Thursday

ght-wing adversary Mark Meadows, along with Bannon, had gotten behind a plan to push House majority leader Kevin McCarthy for chief of staff. Even Meadows, who hated McCarthy, was all for it. Here finally was a strat- egy: McCarthy, a top tactician, would refocus an unfocused White House on one mission

sign the letters but wrote an op-ed in 2016 saying Trump should not be president and would lose the election. Trump foiled then-Secretary of State Rex Tillerson's attempt to name Abrams as his deputy in spring 2017. But Pompeo succeeded in January of this year in appointing Abrams as special envoy for Venezue

ill instead stay "in the fight" with Trump in an unspecified job. John Wagner, Costa and Mike DeBonis report: "'For everything there is a season,' Meadows said in a statement. 'After prayerful consideration and discussion with family, today I'm announcing that my time serving Western North Carolina in

ains District Court. Tartaglione, a former Briarcliff Manor cop, faces the death penalty for the alleged murders in a drug deal gone bad." -- Rep. Mark Meadows (R-N.C.), a close Trump ally, won't run for reelection next year but will instead stay "in the fight" with Trump in an unspecified job. John Wagner

hner had urged the ouster of many of them), any of whom might testify against him. In March alone, Gary Cohn, the president's chief economic adviser, Rex Tillerson, the secretary of state, and Andrew McCabe, the deputy director of the FBI—each man bearing the president deep contempt— were pushed from the adminis

ied out his threat not to sign the bill, he would bring on what they most feared: a shutdown. And he might well blame the shutdown on his own party. Mark Meadows, the head of the House Freedom Caucus and a | staunch Trump ally in Congress, called the president from Europe to say that after the vote on Thursda

right-wing adversary Mark Meadows, along with Bannon, had gotten behind a plan to push House majority leader Kevin McCarthy for chief of staff. Even Meadows, who hated McCarthy, was all for it. Here finally was a strat- egy: McCarthy, a top tactician, would refocus an unfocused White House on one mission—