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n be based on appeal/ attractiveness, ease of access, or perceived vulnerabilities of the child (Lanning 2010; McAlinden 2006; Mooney and Ost 2013; Olson, Ellevold, and Rogers 2007). Elliott, Browne, and Kilcoyne (1995) found that when selecting a victim, offenders often focused on physical character
ll team, with one of the players being an 8-year-old child named Robbie. The vignettes were created with reference to the vignettes from Winters and Jeglic (2016). in addition to a thorough review of the grooming literature. The vignettes described grooming behaviors commonly used by child molesters (B
Berliner and Conte 1990; Craven, Brown, and Gilchrist 2007; Harms and Dam 1992; Lanning 2010; Leclerc, Proulx, and Beauregard 2009; McAlinden 2006; Olson et al. 2007; Sgroi 1982; Van Dam 2001), most focusing on male offenders, there were none that were validated until recently. Based on the similarit
propose a new definition based on this critique, and further informed by a model of sexual grooming which has established content validity (Winters, Jeglic, and Kaylor 2020). The complexities of sexual grooming Experts agree that sexual grooming has been deemed a significant component of the cycle of C
tility for public prevention initiatives as they are theoretically complex and thus difficult to apply in real-world settings (e.g., Elliott, 2017; Olson et al., 2007). Winters and Jeglic (2017) model of grooming behavior proposes five overarching stages that may be involved in the complex process of
LD SEXUAL ABUSE @ S after they learn an individual has committed a sexual offense (Winters & Jeglic, 2016). Importantly, in one study, Winters and Jeglic (2017) found that the general public has trouble identifying potentially predatory sexual grooming behaviors. Given the difficulty in identifying s
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