Epstein Secrets

ry. We were warned not to go ahead. Mr. Gorbachev had become popular in the United States—admired not least for having released the Nobel physicist Andrei Sakharov from exile and some "Prisoners of Zion," myself included, from imprisonment. Mounting a huge demonstration against him would surely be deemed in po

gambits in response. Another lesson of the Cold War is that military superiority, particularly nuclear superiority, matters. During the Kennedy and Dwight Eisenhower administrations, the Kremlin's thinking was dominated by the knowledge that the U.S.'s arsenal could obliterate the Soviet Union. In those days, th

ical party. It had been set up by the iconic Soviet-era refusenik Natan Sharansky — or, as he was then known, Anatoly Sharansky. He’d been an ally of Andrei Sakharov, an outspoken human rights advocate and, until he was finally released and allowed to leave in 1986, a political prisoner in the gulag. Though Natan’

Clinton, he asked me to come talk. We sat on the back terrace of his cabin, looking out incongruously on a beautifully tended golf hole installed by Dwight Eisenhower. I told the President that after all the hours we had spent together, I’d felt blindsided by the inclusion of a proposal on Jerusalem that went beyon

ical party. It had been set up by the iconic Soviet-era refusenik Natan Sharansky - or, as he was then known, Anatoly Sharansky. He'd been an ally of Andrei Sakharov, an outspoken human rights advocate and, until he was finally released and allowed to leave in 1986, a political prisoner in the gulag. Though Natan'

Clinton, he asked me to come talk. We sat on the back terrace of his cabin, looking out incongruously on a beautifully tended golf hole installed by Dwight Eisenhower. I told the President that after all the hours we had spent together, I'd felt blindsided by the inclusion of a proposal on Jerusalem that went beyon