Epstein Secrets

countries like Egypt and Libya, there were growing disputes about political succession prior to the outbreak of protests. Former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak's efforts to install his son Gamal as his heir apparent aroused significant opposition from different quarters in the Egyptian power structure, esp

eak of protests. Former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak's efforts to install his son Gamal as his heir a

the U.S. economy in times of oil- market uncertainty, it would also give America more freedom of maneuver in the new Middle East. Amy Jaffe is the Wallace S. Wilson fellow for energy studies at Rice University's Baker Institute and co-author of Oil, Dollars, Debt and Crises: The Global Curse of Black

d havoc in Sinai. For years now, Egyptian security forces have been battling a ghost in the desert. Since the 2011 uprising that toppled President Hosni Mubarak, militants have blown up the E FTA_R1_00298250 EFTA01883831 pipeline that supplies natural gas to Israel 15 times. Only weeks before the Ramadan

leiman and her eight children showed off stacks of date boxes, which she insisted were Selmi's only source of income. "We voted for Morsy to escape Mubarak's injustice. Now we don't believe in him! It's the same way they treated us in 2005 after the Dahab and Sharm El Sheikh bombings," Suleiman compla

Institute, is the author of "Surrender Is Not an Option: Defending America at the United Nations" (Simon & Schuster, 2007). Ms. Silverberg and Mr. Wallace are the president and CEO, respectively, of United Against Nuclear Iran. Article 3. Foreign Policy Why Did Egypt's President Actually Fire His G

, while Mubarak fils is prisoner No. 23 at Tora Farm, the country's most notorious prison. The wheel of fortune has turned so dramatically for the Mubaraks, in part because the provisional military government found it necessary to mollify protesters -- who continue to challenge its reform bona fides -

the United States. But they did not begin with Libya, or with the surprise uprising in Tunisia in January or the stunning fall of Egypt's President Hosni Mubarak in February. They were evident from Year 1 of the Obama presidency in his excruciating deliberations over the Afghan surge, in the hand extended in

the Europeans did for post-communist countries after the fall of the wall? I am convinced that we can, and should, do better. Alfred Stepan is the Wallace Sayre Professor of Government at Columbia University and the author, with Juan J. Linz and Yogendra Yadav, of the just published Crafting State Nat

us. Fine, but relentlessly keep the pressure on them to improve their rule. Had we begun this process with Abdullah Saleh of Yemen in 1978 or with Mubarak in 1981, things could have been very different by 2011. But we didn't. TB: Egypt might be the test case. EFTA00683502 DP: Well, it's a bit late.

t Iran and wants us to talk to them," he said. "Direct talks will not solve any problems." This isn't the first time Mr. Khamenei has played chaste Daphne to President Obama's infatuated Apollo. Just after becoming President in 2009, Mr. Obama sent the Ayatollah two private letters and delivered a co

at Iran and wants us to talk to them," he said. "Direct talks will not solve any problems." This isn't the first time Mr. Khamenei has played chaste Daphne to President Obama's infatuated Apollo. Just after becoming President in 2009, Mr. Obama sent the Ayatollah two private letters and delivered a conci

ed us. Fine, but relentlessly keep the pressure on them to improve their rule. Had we begun this process with Abdullah Saleh of Yemen in 1978 or with Mubarak in 1981, things could have been very different by 2011. But we didn’t. TB: Egypt might be the test case. DP: Well, it’s a bit late. Mohammed Mors!

at Iran and wants us to talk to them," he said. "Direct talks will not solve any problems." This isn't the first time Mr. Khamenei has played chaste Daphne to President Obama's infatuated Apollo. Just after becoming President in 2009, Mr. Obama sent the Ayatollah two private letters and delivered a conci

atorship or extremism. Three, and more difficult, cooperate with dictators but condition it on pushing them toward reform and opening up. We need the Mubaraks of the world and they need us. Fine, but relentlessly keep the pressure on them to improve their rule. Had we begun this process with Abdullah Saleh