Epstein Secrets

tions, sign the framework agreement and hope that an exit ramp somehow materializes along the way. In short, he could do what the recently deceased Ariel Sharon would never do — let others dictate decisions about Israel's future. To some extent, however, the train has already left the station. Anything les

ewish state. When Truman assumed office in April 1945 after Franklin Roosevelt's death, he had little knowledge of Palestine and even less of what Roosevelt's policies in the region had been. What immediately concerned him was what to do about the Jewish refugees, the survivors of the Nazi's final solut

s allowed over 500,000 Jews to settle in Palestinian areas of Jerusalem and in the West Bank. The "underdogs," as Truman once put it in a letter to Eleanor Roosevelt, are now acting like the "top dogs." Truman and the State Department were also worried that the attempt to create a Jewish state in an Arab-dominat

but that is not a sound principle of social organization. Might is not right. Yet that is the belief that guides the Bush administration. Israel's Ariel Sharon shares the same belief, and look where that has led. The idea that might is right cannot be reconciled with the idea of an open society. The obje

nt. We have come a long way from Franklin Delano Roosevelt, who said that we have nothing to fear but fear

nistration is deliberately fostering fear because it helps to keep the nation lined up behind the president. We have come a long way from Franklin Delano Roosevelt, who said that we have nothing to fear but fear itself. But the war on terrorism -- which is supposed to include the war on Iraq -- cannot be acce

isoned him, and there are many more. Still, in the search for a motive to murder Arafat, it is hard to ignore Israel. In 2002, then-Prime Minister Ariel Sharon told the Israeli newspaper Ma'ariv that he regretted not having killed Arafat when Israeli forces invaded southern Lebanon in 1982. In 2003, then-D

ing it," Obama declared in his Iowa speech, echoing the advice of his pollsters and strategists. "This party—the party of Jefferson and Jackson; of Roosevelt and Kennedy—has always made the biggest difference in the lives of the American people EFTA00712759 when we led, not by polls, but by principle;

bor Party prime minister, whose government approved three times more new houses in small settlements in 2000 than Netanyahu did last year. In 2002, Ariel Sharon's government approved the construction of 960 new units — more than Netanyahu's 908 in 2013 — not long before Sharon decided to evacuate Gaza. Measu

iders in Cuba and as the bellicose advocate of American expansionism in the Pacific. "I should welcome any war, for I think the country needs one," Roosevelt wrote a friend in 1897. But Roosevelt's most important contribution to American foreign policy came later—when he became president in 1901 and when

spairing of any possibility for productive negotiations while Yasir Arafat led the PLO, but under heavy pressure to make some move, Prime Minister Ariel Sharon turned to Gaza, which the old general viewed as a military burden rather than as an Israeli asset. After a grueling political battle that extended

iatus in Washington policymaking. Since Franklin Roosevelt, Presidents have lost an average of thirty House

s gentle demeanor contrasted with the implacable, bulldozer style of other members of the founding generation, from Yitzhak Rabin and Golda Meir to Ariel Sharon and Menachem Begin. Peres sometimes seemed the bridesmaid at the Israeli political wedding, never quite achieving the status of some of his contemp

a sixth term — after 20 years of Franklin Delano Roosevelt and Truman. Shortly before the 1952 election, St

family sailed for Israel aboard a cattle boat, and they eventually settled in Bat Yam, south of Tel Aviv. As a soldier, Dagan won the admiration of Ariel Sharon. In 1970, Sharon ordered him to create a special "elimination" unit, dedicated to hunting down suspected terrorists in Gaza. Dagan worked in variou

ork in the kitchen can't complain about how hot the stove is." [The well-known version of the saying is typically attributed to President Truman.] Roosevelt's point was that enduring harsh and hurtful criticism is one of those duties that goes part and parcel with holding public office in a democracy. I

er they want to have it. Yes, President Theodore Roosevelt, influenced by U.S. Admiral Alfred Thayer Mahan’s

l threat posed by Iran, does not seem to understand the nature of this other existential threat. His five predecessors as prime minister -- including Ariel Sharon, whose heart did not bleed for Palestinians -- understood it. President Obama understands it, too. HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023532 --- PAGE BREAK --- 17 "