Epstein Secrets

ional-security briefings to his ranch, in Stonewall, Texas, by government aircraft. It worked; Johnson, who was alienated from his party because of Vietnam, mostly kept quiet during Nixon's 1972 reelection campaign, against George McGovern. Ronald Reagan treated the recently disgraced Nixon with defere

he peace accords that ended apartheid in South Africa and worked on human rights documentation and EFTA00712797 election monitoring in Bosnia and Kosovo. She then served under Richard Holbrooke at the United Nations. Nossel is credited with coining the phrase "smart power," the title of a 2004 Forei

ything. This was the time of the Criteria Country List—later changed to the National Security Threat List— and I found it incredible that Taiwan and Vietnam, for instance, were on [it], when neither country had conducted activities that remotely approached the Pollard case, and neither had a history of,

via, none of the successor states can claim to be wholly homogeneous. Ethnic minorities in Slovenia and Serbia (even with the exclusion of Albanian Kosovo) account for between 20-30% of the total population. Dictatorships, unlike democracies, are ill-equipped to accommodate ethnic and religious diver

Trinidad and Tobago, Tunisia, Turkey, Turkmenistan, Turks and Caicos Islands, Uganda, Ukraine, United Arab Emirates, Uzbekistan, Vanuatu, Venezuela, Vietnam, Yemen, Zambia, Zimbabwe • Please note jurisdictional groupings are subject to change. 5 CONFIDENTIAL - PURSUANT TO FED. R. CRIM. P. 6(e) DB-SDNY

les Eparses, Iles Kerguelen, Indonesia, Isle of Man, Israel ,Jan Mayen. Jarvis Island. Jersey, Johnston Atoll, Kingman Reef, Kiribati. Korea, South, Kosovo. Kuwait, La Desirade, Latvia. Lesotho, Lithuania, Macedonia, Madagascar. Malawi, Malaysia, Malta, Marie-Galante, Martinique, Mauritania. Mauritius,

American movies and was entranced by Jackie Kennedy, but they also saw segregation, poverty, riots, political assassinations, rampant capitalism, Vietnam and Watergate. And they shook their heads at a country that could elect a cowboy and B-movie actor as its president. The popular narrative followin

esponse was unmistakably negative. Yet the situation in Syria was no more complex, and the efficacy of a military solution no less obvious, than in Kosovo, where President Clinton ordered U.S. participation in a NATO air campaign in 1999. The public did not support that action at first, either, but Cl

y analyst and author of The Military Revolution and Political Change and The Paths of Glory: War and Social Change in America from the Great War to Vietnam. EFTA00712624

2 -- After the Holocaust and the genocide in Rwanda, the world said: Never again. And there have been interventions to stop the killing — in Bosnia, Kosovo and Libya. But these have been the exception, not the norm. Even now, as horrifying violence unfolds in Syria, the U.S. and its allies find reasons

1991. Over decades, the duty to intervene—especially to stop or prevent genocide—has been woven into the international judicial culture. In 1978, Vietnam invaded Cambodia to overthrow the Khmer Rouge regime and stop genocide. A few months later, the Tanzanian army moved into Uganda to evict Idi Amin

in place. In none of those cases was there UN authorization. The same principle was used to justify intervention in Bosnia-Herzegovina and, later, Kosovo: to stop genocide. In both cases, the UN was paralyzed by the threat of a Russian veto. Addressing the UN General Assembly in 1999, then Secretary-