Epstein Secrets

umvent these joint judgments of reality. One tactic is to convince us the costs of war won't be so great. Just the other day your defense minister, Ehud Barak, tried to minimize the aftershocks: "There will not be 100,000 dead or 10,000 dead or 1,000 dead. The state of Israel will not be destroyed." He sh

rom Israeli Defense EFTA00687006 Minister Ehud Barak that the Iranians would soon enter a "zone of im

ngs from Israeli Defense EFTA00687006 Minister Ehud Barak that the Iranians would soon enter a "zone

ble. The third is his efforts at the United Nations, meant to obtain international backing for Palestinian sovereignty in the West Bank, Gaza and East Jerusalem; that track has proved harder than expected. Last September, Mr. Abbas was unable to get enough members of the United Nations Security Council to v

t might help relieve?" That Israel systematically oppresses West Bank Palestinians has been acknowledged even by the former Israeli prime ministers Ehud Barak and Ehud Olmert, who have warned that Israel's continued rule there could eventually lead to a South African-style apartheid system. Boycotts coul

edged even by the former Israeli prime ministers Ehud Barak and Ehud Olmert, who have warned that Isra

ernment is erasing the "green line" that separates Israel proper from the West Bank. In 1980, roughly 12,000 Jews lived in the West Bank (excluding East Jerusalem). Today, government subsidies have helped swell that number to more than 300,000. Indeed, many Israeli maps and textbooks no longer show the green

l, in his first term as prime minister, back in 1998, Benjamin Netanyahu did authorize indirect negotiations with Syria. And the IDF—and especially Ehud Barak, a former head of the IDF, Israel's defense minister, and a close adviser to Netanyahu—has long favored such a deal. The IDF theory was that if Sy

gotiations with Syria. And the IDF—and especially Ehud Barak, a former head of the IDF, Israel's defens

nyahu. Free and democratic Arab countries won't shrink from supporting this Palestinian right under any circumstances. Muslims will not give up on East Jerusalem, either. Arab regimes have been weak in the past. Democracy will strengthen them, but also add reason to Arab governance. Most Arabs have accepted

tlement involving a Palestinian state side by side with Israel reduced to its 1949 borders. This, after all, was what former Israeli prime minister Ehud Barak (currently Israel's defense minister) and former US president Bill Clinton had offered Arafat in December 2000 (the Clinton "Parameters") and this

fter all, was what former Israeli prime minister Ehud Barak (currently Israel's defense minister) and

_01351106 EFTA02360440 10 were instrumental in this connection), was precisely to establish a Palestinian Arab state encompassing the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip, but without recognizing Israel or making peace with it. Which is why Arafat never accepted a signed and sealed two- state settl

/ BARAK / 15 By November, even his Foreign Minister, David Levy, was making noises about quitting. He said it would be a waste of time to stay in the cabine

ed his no-confidence resolution, he came to see me in my office in the Knesset. He was worried. Not about the vote, but about what would come after. “Ehud, I’m sure we can topple the government,” he told me. “But only you know whether we’re ready — whether you ’re ready — to defeat Bibi in an election.”

afat was willing to move toward us on core issues, I would consider limited, symbolic moves on both land swaps and Palestinian sovereignty in part of East Jerusalem. Clinton replied: the summit was on. It would begin at Camp David in one week’s time, on July 11. Two days before leaving for the US, I brought my

/ BARAK / 15 By November, even his Foreign Minister, David Levy, was making noises about quitting. He said it would be a waste of time to stay in the cabinet

ed his no-confidence resolution, he came to see me in my office in the Knesset. He was worried. Not about the vote, but about what would come after. "Ehud, I'm sure we can topple the government," he told me. "But only you know whether we're ready - whether you're ready - to defeat Bibi in an election."

afat was willing to move toward us on core issues, I would consider limited, symbolic moves on both land swaps and Palestinian sovereignty in part of East Jerusalem. Clinton replied: the summit was on. It would begin at Camp David in one week's time, on July 11. *** Two days before leaving for the US, I brought m

, in 1995, and then with centrist Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, in 2008. Twice, Abbas endorsed principles

tions agencies and conventions, to which Israeli Housing Minister Uri Ariel responded by announcing seven hundred and eight new apartment units in East Jerusalem—at which point, poof, negotiations collapsed. Neither party had been constructive, yet both continued to ask for intercession. Kerry told McCain, "

es on Interim Self-Government Arrangements (13 September 1993) 6 Letter from Israel’s Foreign Minister to Norway’s Foreign Minister on the Status of East Jerusalem (11 October 1993) 18 Establishment of the Ad Hoc Liaison Committee (AHLC) (5 November 1993) 19 Protocol on Economic Relations between the Governmen

of the Palestinian Charter which denied Israel’s right to exist. 7 February 1999 King Hussein of Jordan dies. Abdullah II succeeds him. 17 May 1999 Ehud Barak elected Prime Minister of Israel. 4 September 1999 = Sharm el-Sheikh Memorandum. 5 October 1999 Protocol Concerning Safe Passage. HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_

- OUP CORRECTED PROOF - FINAL, 12/9/2014, SPi xxiv Chronology 15 December 1999 President Clinton hosts summit meeting with Israel’s Prime Minister Barak and Syrian Foreign Minister al-Shara, followed by rounds of peace talks in Shepherdstown, West Virginia, in January 2000. 5 March 2000 Government of

all, in his first term as prime minister, back in 1998, Benjamin Netanyahu did authorize indirect negotiations with Syria. And the IDF—and especially Ehud Barak, a former head of the IDF, Israel's defense minister, and a close adviser to Netanyahu-has long favored such a deal. The IDF theory was that if Syria

tions with Syria. And the IDF—and especially Ehud Barak, a former head of the IDF, Israel's defense minis

etanyahu. Free and democratic Arab countries won't shrink from supporting this Palestinian right under any circumstances. Muslims will not give up on East Jerusalem, either. Arab regimes have been weak in the past. Democracy will strengthen them, but also add reason to Arab governance. Most Arabs have accepted Is

n was miffed that the then Israeli prime minister Ehud Olmert, who had visited him in Ankara HOUSE_OVER

this mighty American republic—the commercial empire in New York, the military power embodied by the Pentagon— had been hit. Sweets were handed out in East Jerusalem, there were no tears shed in Cairo for the Americans, more than three decades of U.S. aid notwithstanding. Everywhere in that Arab world—among the We