Epstein Secrets

est danger of all could soon be upon us: a militant Islamic regime armed with nuclear weapons." In a Feb. 2 speech in Israel, Deputy Prime Minister Ehud Barak channeled Begin in making the case for possible military action against Iran, arguing that "those who say `later' may find that later is too late."

a Feb. 2 speech in Israel, Deputy Prime Minister Ehud Barak channeled Begin in making the case for pos

class can consolidate—something that it has been unable to do for the past decade—the likely winner would be some left-leaning populist, a Russian Hugo Chavez with a penchant for nationalism. A plausible candidate for the role might be Dmitry Rogozin, a recently appointed deputy prime minister. Unlike the

est danger of all could soon be upon us: a militant Islamic regime armed with nuclear weapons." In a Feb. 2 speech in Israel, Deputy Prime Minister Ehud Barak channeled Begin in making the case for possible military action against Iran, arguing that "those who say `later' may find that later is too late."

a Feb. 2 speech in Israel, Deputy Prime Minister Ehud Barak channeled Begin in making the case for pos

class can consolidate—something that it has been unable to do for the past decade—the likely winner would be some left-leaning populist, a Russian Hugo Chavez with a penchant for nationalism. A plausible candidate for the role might be Dmitry Rogozin, a recently appointed deputy prime minister. Unlike the

ated debate, media reports said. Prime Minister Ehud Olniert, whose handling of the war has come und

Castro since his illness, his younger brother Raul — making his first public appearance as Cuba's act- ing president — greeted Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez on his arrival to celebrate Fidel's birthday. Fidel Castro, who underwent surgery for an un- specified intestinal ailment that forced him to step

know that demagogues and aspiring despots can use the language and even the mechanisms of democracy to build personal dictatorships (Napoleon IlI and Hugo Chavez, for example). We know that popular opinion is sometimes more nationalistic than elite opinion and that gains for democracy do not always lead to mor

ic's favored zones: ambivalence and inertia. As one awaits this tortuous Godot, one might recall a forecast of a bomb by 1999 (Shimon Peres) or 2004 (Ehud Barak), or Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's talk of "a messianic apocalyptic cult controlling atomic bombs," or my friend Jeffrey Goldberg's allusion in

st of a bomb by 1999 (Shimon Peres) or 2004 (Ehud Barak), or Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's talk of