Epstein Secrets

policies. But the internet in particular was seen as an irresistible force that could render censorship of any kind impossible. In 2000, President Bill Clinton compared China's efforts to control inter- net content to "trying to nail Jell-O to the wall." Third, a growing number of experts began to identify

atements by then secretary of state Hillary Clinton were meant as a signal to the opposition to launch a color revolution in Russia. (The theme of Clinton as the puppet master behind a plot aimed at regime change in Russia was revived during the 2016 U.S. presidential campaign, when the Russian media

ing the 2016 U.S. presidential campaign, when the Russian media displayed a clear preference for Republi- can candidate Donald Trump and disdain for Clinton.3) For Putin, the events of late 2011 and early 2012 were evidence of weakness and political incompetence. A ruling partywhose triumph requires that

initively known. There is, neverthe- less, a critical mass of evidence that Kremlin-allied forces were responsible for hacking into the Dem- ocratic National Committee's computers, stealing millions of files, and turning the information over to WikiLeaks, which in turn circulated it to the media. Some may find the

s that FBI=officials displayed not merely an appearance of bias against Donald Trump, but animus bordering on hatred. Peter Strzok, who le= both the Clinton and Trump investigations, confidently assuaged a colleag=e's fear that Mr. Trump would become president: "No he won=E2nt. We'll stop it." An unnamed

ed millions lobbying for Russia's largest bank and the Europ=an Center for a Modern Ukraine, both with deep Kremlin ties. The Clinton F=undation and Bill Clinton took millions from Kremlin-connected businesses.=u> No evidence has emerged of Trump-Russia collusion, and Mr. Muell=r has yet to bring collusion-

rpose" of affecting the president=al election. 3 EFTA_R1_01704523 EFTA02549325 The chief evidence of collusion is the hacking of the Democratic=National Committee's servers. But nothing in the public record sug=ests the Trump campaign aided that effort. The collusion narrative therefore hinges on the more gener

s that FBI=officials displayed not merely an appearance of bias against Donald Trump, but animus bordering on hatred. Peter Strzok, who le= both the Clinton and Trump investigations, confidently assuaged a colleag=e's fear that Mr. Trump would become president: "No he won=E24*t. We'll stop it." An unname

ed millions lobbying for Russia's largest bank and the Europ=an Center for a Modern Ukraine, both with deep Kremlin ties. The Clinton F=undation and Bill Clinton took millions from Kremlin-connected businesses.=u> No evidence has emerged of Trump-Russia collusion, and Mr. Muell=r has yet to bring collusion-re

rpose" of affecting the president=al election. 3 EFTA_R1_01705040 EFTA02549694 The chief evidence of collusion is the hacking of the Democratic=National Committee's servers. But nothing in the public record sug=ests the Trump campaign aided that effort. The collusion narrative therefore hinges on the more gener

ed Crossfire Hurricane.=u> Crossfire was launched only months before the 2016 election. Its=FBI progenitors—the same ones who had investigated Mrs. Clinton =80 deployed at least one informant to probe Trump campaign advisers, obtained Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court wiretap warrant=, issued nati

ed millions lobbying for Russia's largest bank and the Europ=an Center for a Modern Ukraine, both with deep Kremlin ties. The Clinton F=undation and Bill Clinton took millions from Kremlin-connected businesses..u> No evidence has emerged of Trump-Russia collusion, and Mr. Muell=r has yet to bring collusion-

on that it=was initiated "for the purpose" of affecting the president=al election. The chief evidence of collusion is the hacking of the Democratic=National Committee's servers. But nothing in the public record sug=ests the Trump campaign aided that effort. The collusion narrative therefore hinges on the more gener