Epstein Secrets

policies. But the internet in particular was seen as an irresistible force that could render censorship of any kind impossible. In 2000, President Bill Clinton compared China's efforts to control inter- net content to "trying to nail Jell-O to the wall." Third, a growing number of experts began to identify

atements by then secretary of state Hillary Clinton were meant as a signal to the opposition to launch a color revolution in Russia. (The theme of Clinton as the puppet master behind a plot aimed at regime change in Russia was revived during the 2016 U.S. presidential campaign, when the Russian media

ing the 2016 U.S. presidential campaign, when the Russian media displayed a clear preference for Republi- can candidate Donald Trump and disdain for Clinton.3) For Putin, the events of late 2011 and early 2012 were evidence of weakness and political incompetence. A ruling partywhose triumph requires that

bjective and independent, Russian television and Russian media generally were no- table for their liveliness and diversity during the presidency of Boris Yeltsin. All did not sing out of the same hymnal, and most influential outlets reflected a variety of opinions about government policies, including the Kr

e staffer for Senator John Danforth who wrote Judge Thomas’ s statement that began, “Nobody helped me with this.” HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015136 President Clinton’ s Private Confession The following ts a leaked transcript of a closed-door, secretly taped prayer breakfast that Bill Clinton hosted for a group o

ERSIGHT_015136 President Clinton’ s Private Confession The following ts a leaked transcript of a closed-door, secretly taped prayer breakfast that Bill Clinton hosted for a group of religious leaders after the impeachment trial failed to remove him from oftice. # Gentlemen--and lady (I guess you must be the

dy helped me with this.” HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015136 President Clinton’ s Private Confession The following ts a leaked

good, that’ s good.” And | replied, “Il gave you a blow job, but! didn’ t swallow.” He started laughing hysterically, just like that time he did with Boris Yeltsin. Bill liked my sense of humor. That’ s why we went from flirtation to friendship. However, the reasons | visited the White House thirty-seven times

re. I remember similar logic in the summer of 1998, when the accepted mantra was that the US would bail out Russia and Boris Yeltsin, since President Clinton would not want to see a nuclear power like Russia slide back into Soviet rule, or anarchy (that view turned out to be wrong). Anyone market-weight Eu

US would bail out Russia and Boris Yeltsin, since President Clinton would not want to see a nuclear power like Russia

istorically, fraught with failure. I remember similar logic in the summer of 1998, when the accepted mantra was that the US would bail out Russia and Boris Yeltsin, since President Clinton would not want to see a nuclear power like Russia slide back into Soviet rule, or anarchy (that view turned out to be wrong)

re. I remember similar logic in the summer of 1998, when the accepted mantra was that the US would bail out Russia and Boris Yeltsin, since President Clinton would not want to see a nuclear power like Russia slide back into Soviet rule, or anarchy (that view turned out to be wrong). Anyone market-weight Eu

US would bail out Russia and Boris Yeltsin, since President Clinton would not want to see a nuclear power like Russia

istorically, fraught with failure. I remember similar logic in the summer of 1998, when the accepted mantra was that the US would bail out Russia and Boris Yeltsin, since President Clinton would not want to see a nuclear power like Russia slide back into Soviet rule, or anarchy (that view turned out to be wrong)

Russian perspective they were all undertaken against its strong objections, and that would not have happened in, say, the mid-seventies. President Clinton and President George W. Bush hardly even pretended to take Russia's interests, positions, or sensibilities into account, a reflection of certain ha

ld not have happened in, say, the mid-seventies. President Clinton and President George W. Bush hardly even pretend

f state James Baker, worked hard to negotiate a peaceful dissolution of the Soviet empire, and it found reluctant partners in Mikhail Gorbachev and Boris Yeltsin. In the following decade, U.S. policy was less wise and balanced, and Russia also provided a less judicious counterpart. No doubt, Russian power a

ses. The failed reset policy recognized that American policy toward Russia after the Cold War has been consistently flawed. It was an error of the Clinton administration to proceed with the construction of a post-Cold War Europe that had no real place for Russia, and the rise of Putin and Putinism can

lagrantly ignored German wishes and interests. This is how we treated Russia in the 1990s. The West provided economic aid to the "Weimar Russia" of Boris Yeltsin much as the Young and the Dawes plans helped Germany relaunch its economy in the 1920s. But in the 1990s as in the 1920s the West was uninterested

al policies. But the internet in particular was seen as an irresistible force that could render censorship of any kind impossible. In 2000, President Bill Clinton compared China's efforts to control inter- net content to “trying to nail Jell-O to the wall.”” Third, a growing number of experts began to identify

statements by then secretary of state Hillary Clinton were meant as a signal to the opposition to launch a color revolution in Russia. (The theme of Clinton as the puppet master behind a plot aimed at regime change in Russia was revived during the 2016 U.S. presidential campaign, when the Russian media d

objective and independent, Russian television and Russian media generally were no- table for their liveliness and diversity during the presidency of Boris Yeltsin. All did not sing out of the same hymnal, and most influential outlets reflected a variety of opinions about government policies, including the Kreml