Epstein Secrets

ade her vul- nerable to NSA surveillance. To get to her through an encrypted channel, Snowden chose a circuitous approach. On January 11, he wrote to Micah Lee in Berkeley, California. Given Lee’s residence in the United States, as Snowden knew, the NSA would be legally barred from monitoring his communicati

won the contract for background checks, was initially owned by the private equity fund Carlyle Group, which later sold it to another financial group, Providence Equity Partners. For the private equity and hedge funds, profits were the measure of success. To increase its profits from the contract with the NSA, USIS had to mov

journalist. Like Poitras, he joined the board of directors of the Freedom of the Press Foundation. The foundation, which eventually Runa Sandvik and Micah Lee would join, had been set up expressly to funnel money to both Assange’s Wikileaks site and the defense fund for Bradley Manning after he was arrested

ow called, which won the contract for background checks, was initially owned by the hedge fund Carlyle Group who later sold it to another hedge fund, Providence Equity Partners. For the hedge funds, profits were the measure of success. To increase its profits from the contract with the NSA, USIS had to move more quickly in c

erational security about his contacts with her, but that injunction did not prevent her from telling at least five people about her source, including Micah Lee, the Berkeley- based technology operative for the Freedom of the Press Foundation; Jacob Appelbaum, the TOR proselytizer; Ben Wizner, the ACLU lawyer

ld do it faster and more efficiently. The private company named United States Investigative Services (USIS) was purchased in 2007 for $1.5 billion by Providence Equity Partners, a rapidly-expanding investment firm founded only four years earlier by graduates of Brown University and the Harvard Business School. So like Booz A