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iderable degree, the U.S. talks with Iran also allow Washington to deny the Russians an Iranian card, although the Syrian theater still allows the Kremlin some room to maneuver. The United States is not prepared to intervene in the former Soviet Union. Russia is not a global power, and its military ha
ittee, said he had a "very direct conversation" with Ron Dermer, Israel's ambassador to the United States, on the sanctions bill early last month. "AIPAC and Israel are in different places on this issue," Corker said of his conversation with Dermer, who he said supported the sanctions bill now and no
to oblige. Not just some of them. All of them. On crucial Capitol Hill votes, measures favored by the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, or AIPAC, often pass unopposed. Last week was different. Very, very different. First, AIPAC was forced, in the wake of Democratic opposition, to retreat for
Putin's actions in Eastern Europe, events in the eastern Mediterranean continue to unfold with their own momentum—and it's highly unlikely that the Kremlin, however preoccupied it is with managing the situation in Crimea, will let its other geo-strategic priorities drop. Russian interests in the Middle
uture state for the Palestinian people. And with each new BDS headline, the ferocious reaction from the movement's critics, with Netanyahu and his AIPAC fulminations in the vanguard, has risen exponentially. I think it's safe to say BDS is in the "then they fight you" stage. Some wrongly portray the
ized Russia watched first as the Warsaw Pact disintegrated and then as the Soviet Union itself did. In both regions, especially Central Europe, the Kremlin might have responded with military force as it had before, possibly even with tactical nuclear weapons, but happily clearer heads prevailed even am
uclear facilities becomes necessary. Yet this is a debate about the American national interest, and most American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) supporters do not want it to degenerate into a debate about Israel. Most agree with former Israeli Ambassador Itamar Rabinovitch that, "It's bad f
to humiliate even a powerful adversary. When George Shultz, President Ronald Reagan's secretary of state, asked Mr. Kennan how to approach the new Kremlin leader, Mikhail S. Gorbachev, the former diplomat replied that the Soviets remained "in many respects insecure people and require reassurance in th
now there was a decade of Jewish power!—is quite shocking. (His Abba Hillel Silver is just an early version of Howard Kohr, in consonance with his AIPAC-centric view of the world.) The truth is that no amount of sympathy for Palestinians requires this amount of antipathy to Israelis. Remember Rosa L
hn Kerry on Monday sharpened the Obama administration's mounting criticism of Russia's role in the escalating violence in Syria, asserting that the Kremlin was undermining the prospects of a negotiated solution by "contributing so many more weapons" and political support to President Bashar al-Assad.
crease the chance that America would have to resort to military means to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons. EFTA00684598 In the past, AIPAC generally got what it wanted from Congress, and that appeared to be the case this time around, as well. Fully fifty senators signed on before Presi
Entities connected to both Kremlin and AIPAC

Jeffrey Epstein
PERSON
Barack Obama
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Donald Trump
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Vladimir Putin
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Department of Justice
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Bill Clinton
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George W. Bush
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United States
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Joe Biden
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Bloomberg L.P.
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Prince Andrew
PERSONLeon Black
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Virginia Giuffre
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Julie K. Brown
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Stephen Hawking
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Eric Trump
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Hillary Clinton
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Prince Charles
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Benjamin Netanyahu
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USA Today
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