Epstein Secrets

as "key contacts") began reaching out to Republican senators to say that now was not the time to vote on an Iran sanctions bill opposed fiercely by the White House, according to four Senate sources who spoke to The Daily Beast on condition of anonymity. Until then, AIPAC was willing to endure open criticism fr

ittee, said he had a "very direct conversation" with Ron Dermer, Israel's ambassador to the United States, on the sanctions bill early last month. "AIPAC and Israel are in different places on this issue," Corker said of his conversation with Dermer, who he said supported the sanctions bill now and no

to oblige. Not just some of them. All of them. On crucial Capitol Hill votes, measures favored by the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, or AIPAC, often pass unopposed. Last week was different. Very, very different. First, AIPAC was forced, in the wake of Democratic opposition, to retreat for

ground was about to start enriching uranium. Karim Sadjadpour, an Iran expert with the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, says that senior White House staff asked during that time period whether Iranian regime elements might be trying to goad Israel into launching airstrikes. "The White House," Sa

ma Dan Senor Article 3. The Daily Beast Iran's Clerics Want to Goad Israel Into an Attack Aram Roston Article 4. The Weekly Standard Obama at AIPAC: Determined ... to Win Their Votes Elliott Abrams Article 5. Washington Monthly We Can Live with a Nuclear Iran Paul Pillar Article 6. The Ne

297 put it before the negotiations began on Tuesday: "We need to move towards a trust-building road map with the Westerners." Such sweet talk— and the White House's strong desire to avoid a confrontation with Tehran— could result in a dangerous deal that would lift international sanctions on Iran without ensurin

igns of softening their positions. Their demands to maintain the current measures reflect, in part, the success of a concerted lobbying campaign by AIPAC. The pro-Israel group has sat out some recent potential fights over large- scale U.S. weapons sales to Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates in

disrupting, even without deterrence, disrupting and degrading bad actors' abilities to harm us. LINDSEY GRAHAM: Thank you. DICK DURBIN: Senator Whitehouse. SHELDON WHITEHOUSE: Morning, Director Wray. How are you? CHRISTOPHER WRAY: Fine. Thank you. SHELDON WHITEHOUSE: EFTA00160605 I seem often to

Tucson in Los Angeles. Mr. Tuchin is no random private citizen. He is the president of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, also known as AIPAC, one of the strongest supporters of the American-Israel alliance and someone -- or an organization with broad bipartisan support in Congress. Thes

of American prestige, time and effort. Although rarely considered collectively, these three efforts constitute a significant strategic package for a White House that all too often hardly bothers with foreign policy. These initiatives truly reflect Obama's view of America's international role: His is a world

crease the chance that America would have to resort to military means to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons. EFTA00684598 In the past, AIPAC generally got what it wanted from Congress, and that appeared to be the case this time around, as well. Fully fifty senators signed on before Presi

ran from acquiring a nuclear weapon, that conclusion should solidify support for what would then become the inevitable Israeli strike. A refusal by the White House to seek such a joint resolution would itself suggest that, while "all options are on the table," the likelihood is that that is precisely where the

e problem, he goes on, is that there is too little trust that the United States will act. He advises that "even statements" could help, but "not to AIPAC;" instead, "a declaration to the Congress, that if the steps the administration is relying upon today ... do not achieve success by the summer of 2