Epstein Secrets

ning behind the scenes. He said he connected Giuliani with a top aide to the new Ukrainian president because he hoped it would smooth the way for a White House meeting and improved bilateral ties. Eager to defend his own reputation, Volker was adamant that he never personally witnessed or participated in i

ague: The official White House Twitter account attacked a current White House official in the middle of that official's testimony before Congress: The White House's director of social media also attacked Vindman from his government account, prompting this observation from a Post colleague: The president's son

justice — and why EFTA00046464 the former special counsel refused to draw a conclusion from the evidence his team gathered. Carol D. Leonnig and Tom Hamburger report: "Mueller failed to deliver a clear answer to either — frustrating Democrats who hope to spotlight what they consider ample proof of Trump'

mp's initial April call with Zelensky, released Friday, revealed that the president didn't even broach corruption during that conversation, despite the White House's readout from the time that said he had raised the issue. "I think the Ukrainians gradually came to understand that they were being asked to do some

have worked with Giuliani offered a different take on his White House tenure. `He doesn't really try to be involved in anything,' one former senior White House official told me ... `He's just having a nice time.' Yet for the differing opinions on the nature of Giuliani's role, the officials I spoke to were

signaling that they plan to try to discredit one of the key witnesses in the inquiry by questioning his motives and his loyalty to the president," Tom Hamburger, Carol Leonnig and Rachael Bade report. "Sen. Ron (R-Wis.) suggested in a letter released Monday that Vindman fits the profile of 'a significant n

ague: The official White House Twitter account attacked a current White House official in the middle of that official's testimony before Congress: The White House's director of social media also attacked Vindman from his government account, prompting this observation from a Post colleague: The president's son a

estion a top executive at Ukraine's state-owned gas company about his encounters with those associates as the pair pursued energy deals in Ukraine. Tom Hamburger and Roz Helderman report: "The executive of the Ukrainian company, Andrew Favorov, an American citizen, agreed to meet with prosecutors for the Sout

p's initial April call with Zelensky, released Friday, revealed that the president didn't even broach corruption during that conversation, despite the White House's readout from the time that said he had raised the issue. "I think the Ukrainians gradually came to understand that they were being asked to do some

o try to Page 17426 EFTA00046937 discredit one of the key witnesses in the inquiry by questioning his motives and his loyalty to the president," Tom Hamburger, Carol Leonnig and Rachael Bade report. "Sen. Ron Johnson (R-Wis.) suggested in a letter released Monday that Vindman fits the profile of `a signi

e's office has focused closely on correspondence that could be subject to public records requests, those which involve discussions between staff at the White House and at other agencies. Internal White House records are not subject to federal public records law, but messages that include officials at federal a

the decision and a debate over whether the delay was legal, according to three people familiar with the records. Josh Dawsey, Carol D. Leonnig and Tom Hamburger scoop: "The research by the White House Counsel's Office ... includes early Ai mi Ist email pyrhpnnpc Nal-NA/pen prtinn rhipf of staff Mirk Kilt il

ignation after losing confidence in him. Their explanation is that Esper became "deeply troubled" when he discovered Spencer was backchanneling with the White House to offer a secret deal in which a review board would decide to let Gallagher keep his Trident pin — and affiliation with the SEALs — if Trump didn't

the decision and a debate over whether the delay was legal, according to three people familiar with the records. Josh Dawsey, Carol D. Leonnig and Tom Hamburger scoop: "The research by the White House Counsel's Office ... includes early August email exchanges between acting chief of staff Mick Mulvaney and