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nerable to NSA surveillance. To get to her through an encrypted channel, Snowden chose a circuitous approach. On January 11, he wrote to Micah Lee in Berkeley, California. Given Lee’s residence in the United States, as Snowden knew, the NSA would be legally barred from monitoring his communications without
ected to others whom Snowden had contacted @ for his CryptoParty. Lee had been an associate of Runa Sandvik’s at @ Tor and was a prominent member of Noisebridge, an eclectic anti- government hackers’ commune based in Northern California, of which Appelbaum was also a member. To contact Lee, Snowden chose the
ity about his contacts with her, but that injunction did not prevent her from telling at least five people about her source, including Micah Lee, the Berkeley-based technology operative for the Freedom of the Press Foundation; Jacob Appelbaum, the Tor proselytizer; Ben Wizner, the ACLU lawyer; Barton Gellma
act with high-profile activists who were part of the anti-surveillance movements. This would include core participants in the Tor Project, WikiLeaks, Noisebridge, CryptoParties, the Free- @ dom of the Press Foundation, and the Electronic Frontier Founda- @ tion. (Snowden, for example, had been in touch with m
e to NSA surveillance. To get to her through an encrypted channel, Snowden chose a circuitous approach. On January 11, 2013, he wrote to Micah Lee in Berkeley, California. Unlike Greenwald and Poitras, Lee HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020231 80 resided in America. This U.S. residence meant, as Snowden knew, the NSA w
cted to others with whom Snowden had contacted for his crypto party. Lee had been an associate of Runa Sandvik’s at TOR and was a prominent member of Noisebridge, an eclectic anti- government hackers’ commune based in Northern California, of which Appelbaum was also a member. To contact Lee, Snowden chose the
Entities connected to both Berkeley and Noisebridge

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Virginia Giuffre
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Eric Trump
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